Thursday, October 21, 2021

CRISIS IN THE PHILIPPINES

CRISIS IN THE PHILIPPINES IN THE TIME OF THE PANDEMIC 

by E. SAN JUAN, Jr. Philippines S tudies Center, Washington DC, US A

From 1899 to 1946, the Philippines was the only U.S. colony in Asia annexed at the cost of 1.4 million Filipinos dead, and several thousand American troops killed in the Philippine-American War (1899-1913). From 1946 up to today, the Philippines remains a neocolony, with the recent ex- tension of the U.S.-Philippines Visiting Forces Agreement allowing U.S. forces to intervene in Philippine affairs. During the Cold War, U.S. bases in the Philippines functioned as strategic springboards for intervention in the Korean and IndoChina wars. The neocolonial archipelago continues to do so with Washington's ongoing confrontation with China. While the Covid-19 Delta variant ravages the imperial heartland, in the tropical out- post President Duterte's carnage rages on, devastating the lives of 110 million Filipinos four million of whom reside in the United States as migrant workers, Navy personnel, engineers, doctors, nurses, women, and others exposed to the global pandemic crisis. Less augury than symptom, the 2020 Covid-19 pandemic betokens a profound crisis of the neoliberal capitalist global order. Over four million people worldwide have died, 609 thousand in the U.S., 539 in Brazil, and 413 in India (as of July 15, 2021). Variants are multiplying, with no end in sight. People of color, the poor and marginalized everywhere, suffer more than the propertied, as usual. We transitioned from 9/11 “disaster” and “global war on terrorism” to the 2008 meltdown of casino/finance capital without much retribution—except the misery of the impoverished millions. Perhaps the survivors are now regrouping and strategizing their next moves to overturn the predatory iniquitous system. Crisis is essential to capitalism as a way of what Marx called “the forcible adjustment of all the contradictions of capitalism” (Harvey 2014, xiii). Dispossession as capital accumulation, creative destruction, prof- itable waste—such as the paradoxes, antinomies, aporias that litter the postmodern landscape. Antagonism between the few plutocratic managers of the security/surveillance state and the redundant majority are bound to sharpen as we face worldwide discontent—witness the mass mobilization after George Floyd’s killing. Aside from the pandemic, drought, fires, floods and all sorts of natural disasters are wreaking havoc on economies and lives in many continents, on top of internecine and mul- tilateral conflicts for control of markets, resources, territories, hopes, dreams, etc. What we are facing now is however quite unprecedented It is not rebellion from the exploited masses but an ecological catastrophe that capitalist globalization cannot stop, much less prevent from worsening since it has exacerbated the process of disintegration. Commodity- fetishism reigns supreme. Mike Davis has incisively diagnosed our current predicament: “We see a world system of accumulation everywhere break- ing down traditional boundaries between animal diseases and humans, increasing the power of drug monopolies, proliferating carcinogenic waste, subsidizing oligarchy and undermining progressive governments commit- ted to public health, destroying traditional communities (both industrial and preindustrial) and turning the oceans into sewers. Market solutions leave in place Dickensian social conditions and perpetuate the global shame of income-limited access to clean water and sanitation.” Davis sums up the convergent crises of our civilization as “defined by capitalism’s inability to generate incomes for the majority of humanity, to provide jobs and meaningful social roles, end fossil fuel emissions, and translate revolutionary biological advances into public health....The super- capitalism of today has become an absolute fetter on the development of the productive forces necessary for our species survival” (2020). The implications of this planetary upheaval was recently spelled out by the U.S. National Intelligence Council in its report, “Global Trends 2040.” Not only disruption of international trade would ensue but also an erosion of the world-order, fragmentation, polarization. Distrust and skepti- cism toward hegemonic institutions would intensify, calling for “alternative providers of governance” (Barnes 2021). Racial, ethnic and national divi- sions would multiply and deepen. Gobal politics would be more volatile and contentious, as evidenced by the smoldering confrontation between China and the United States. But, unfortunately, the conclusion of this report appeals to the corporate elite, the State executives, to be “anticipatory rather than reactionary,” and solve the crises (Editorial, New York Times, 2021). What about the rebellion of the Green parties and the coalition of indigenous communities defying corporate rapacity? Rumblings from the “Belly of the Beast” All accounts of the public response to the pandemic have praised the front-liners, the doctors, nurses and health-care workers in hospitals, for their dedication. The pandemic’s toll on Filipino nurses, however, sig- nals the racialized, unequal burden shared by this group. As of September 2020, 67 Filipino nurses have died of Covid-19, a third of total registered nurses nationwide, though they make up only four percent of nurses over- all. Why is this so? Because in the colonized periphery, “an American cur- riculum as early as 1907 granting degrees to English-speaking nurses who could slot easily into American hospitals” prepared the subalterns for such emergencies (Powell 2021, 30). With the severe staffing shortage in the 1980s due to the AIDs epidemic, recruitment of Filipino nurses for New York and San Francisco hospitals allowed thousands to secure visas. However, since then, this group has earned less than the majority of Americans of the same educational level (Catholic Institute 1987, 44-48), typical of a racialized system of redistribution and social recognition. About 3.4 million Filipino Americans constitute the second largest group of Asians in the U.S., with over 310,000 undocumented persons (Aquino 2017). Sixty percent of Filipino-Americans are women due to the feminization of exported labor as part of Philippine growth strategy. In 2008, we find 666,00 Filipino-born female workers employed in civilian la- bor, with 22.9 percent reported working as registered nurses. Throughout over a hundred years of linkage between the neocolony and its imperial tutor, scholars have concluded that Filipinos “endured discrimination, race- based violence, and a series of restrictive federal legislation impacting civil rights and immigration” (Morelli, Trinidad and Alboroto 2020). Nothing to be surprised about, given the pattern of discrimination and exclusion expe- rienced by migrant ethnic labor from Asia and other underdeveloped coun- tries. Filipino migrant labor contributed to capital accumulation in Hawaii and the West Coast soon after U.S. “pacification” of the islands in the Fil- ipino-American War of 1899-1913. But instead of social recognition, they encountered suspicion. Historians often cite the notorious Watsonville, California 4-day-riots of December 1929 when white vigilantes attacked Filipino farm workers and killed one of them with impunity (Takaki 1989, 327-28). The martyred worker Fermin Tobera was hailed a hero when his body was interred in his homeland.This is only one of many violent inci- dents that distinguished the militant Filipino presence in the imperial heart- land where their leadership of multiethnic union strikes—from the Hawaii sugar plantations to the grape-farms of California in the Sixties—prefig- ured the multiracial Civil-Rights mobilization of the last quarter of the twen- tieth-century. With ironic pathos, the Watsonville riot has been forgotten by Fil- ipinos who now celebrate assimilation as White House chef, Disneyland entertainers, rock stars, etc. With Trump’s canard about “kung-flu” stigma- tizing all Asian-looking folks, Filipinos are now targeted as easy scape- goats. Vilma Kari, a 65-year-old Filipina woman, was attacked on a street near Times Square, mid-Manhattan, New York City Three onlookers turned their backs on her (Hong et al, 2021, A15). Earlier, Filipino resi- dents as well as Chinese-American women were attacked in New York City and California as alien-looking migrants, carriers of the deadly virus from Wuhan, China. Asian-Americans and Pacific Islanders have suddenly lost their “model-minority aura” and, with fear and trembling, now call for solidarity over and above class, ethnic or religious differences. They need triage and sanctuary from white-supremacist predation. Given the nationwide alarm over accelerating hate-crimes, the hashtag “#StopAsianHate” went viral on Twitter. Viet Thanh Nguyen (2021), the award-winning novelist, urged a common political identity for Black Americans, Muslims, Latinos and LGBTQ people to unite together for a decolonizing agenda. Without any warning, the massacre of six women of Asian descent in the Atlanta, Georgia spa, triggered a universal outcry and stirred the White House and Congress to take action. But with the Biden administration focusing on China as the prime enemy that needs to be controlled or contained, how feasible can the task of decolo- nizing Asian-Americans and Pacific Islanders succeed in halting racialized imperial aggression around the world? In any case, pious teary-eyed wolves guarding sheep are hardly reassuring. Limahong’s Revenants Roaming the Orient Sea In the context of the end of neoliberal globalization, I recount in this book the U.S. conquest of the Philippines by bloody subjugation. Over one million dead Filipinos, unfortunately, were not able to enjoy McKinley’s “Benevolent Assimilation.” Regarded as the “first Vietnam,” the colonizing adventure inaugurated the start of U.S. imperial expansion into Asia, specifically China (San Juan 2007, 1-66). It was an earnest step in fulfilling the “civilizing mission” or “White Men’s Burden,” to quote Kipling’s poem written expressly as white-supremacist defense of U.S. aggression in the Philippines. Vladimir Lenin noted that “in annexing the Philippines, the United States cheated Filipino leader Aguinaldo by promising the country independence.” Apropos of Wilson’s 1918 “Fourteen Points” affirming self- determination for all nations, Lenin observed that “most peculiarly, your demands say nothing...about the liberation of the Philippines” (Institute of Oriental Studies 1978, 412-13). Lenin’s remark, as well as that of Rosa Luxemburg, were only footnotes to Mark Twain’s censure of U.S. butchery of the recalcitrant na- tives, among them 900 Moro men, women and children at Mount Dajo, on March 9, 1906 (1992, 168-78). The carnage persists with the help of U.S. drones, missiles, logistics, and U.S. Special Forces in the total destruction of Marawi City in May-June 2017. After World War II, the Philippines served as the convenient spring- board for intervention in the Korean and IndoChina War at the height of the Cold War. In 1957, U.S. foreign policy expert Vera Micheles Dean lauded Western colonialism as the midwife of a “plural society” while she lamented the death of the anticommunist, CIA-sponsored Ramon Magsaysay (1957, 180-85). After the IndoChina conflict, another expert William McCord touted Fukuyama’s apocalyptic triumph of market liberal- ism. At the same time, he bewailed the autocrat Ferdinand Marcos’ wast- ing of the great potential of the islands, making it “the economic basket case of Pacific Asia,” (1991, 57), while its industrialized neighbors prospered tremendously. The basket case may now be unsalvageable, plunged deeply in more dire circumstances. The February 1986 “People Power” revolt may be deemed more as cautionary farce than tragicomedy. After Marcos, the Aquino regime re- turned to the neofeudal, cacique-led democracy bequeathed by U.S. neo- colonialism (Bauzon 1991) and retooled by her successors from General Fidel Ramos to the rapacious Arroyo and the murderous Duterte. The once-vaunted “showcase of democracy” for the Free World now serves again to project U.S. power as Washington pivots to the Asia-Pacific re- gion. China is now the new upstart Leviathan to confront and contain, hence the strategic value of the archipelago, in particular the sea lanes next to the contested reefs and isles of the West Philippine Sea. Inaugu- rated when the Philippines became the “second front” after Afghanistan/ Iraq in combating Islamic extremism, this new role for the nation was reaf- firmed by then President Trump’s visit to Manila and Clark Field military base in February 2017. Boasting of the U.S. devastation of Japan in World War II, Trump threatened the People’s Republic of North Korea with “fire and fury,” a more savage version of the genocidal campaign against Fil- ipinos in pursuit of “Manifest Destiny.” Meanwhile, the war against the Abu Sayyaf and other extremists continues as the rationale for the operations of heavily armed U.S. “Spe- cial Forces.” The former U.S. military bases in Clark and Subic Bay have been refurbished as counter-insurgency centers against anyone protesting corporate plunder of the neocolony’s human and natural resources. Duterte’s corrupt demagogic rule is supported by U.S. military aid, logistics and advisers in its campaign against drug dealers as well as against ter- rorists/communists (the terms are interchangeable). This highly publicized campaigns function as pretexts to justify a Plan-Colombia mode of U.S. intervention. This is fully evident in the U.S. participation in the destruction of Marawi City, Mindanao, as well as in the ruthless bombing and mas- sacre of peasants, especially the villages of Lumads, Manobos, and other indigenes located in the rich mineral lands and forests of Mindanao. Of crucial importance is the controversy over islands in the West Philippine Sea which China claims, building military installations on them. This move is a flagrant rejection of the 2016 judgment of the Hague Permanent Court of Arbitration favoring Philippine jurisdiction over the disput- ed zone. The fishing grounds around the Scarborough Shoal (Panatag Is- land), Spratley Islands, and various reefs all lie within the Philippine Ex- clusive Zone. However, China has ordered its coast guard fleet and armed militia to intimidate and drive away Filipino fishing boats. Duterte has pub- licly abandoned protecting the territorial integrity of the nation he has sworn to uphold—a stark display of treason that, in other sovereign states, would have summoned the firing squad without much ado. The recent U.S. “pivot to Asia” has converted this region into a powder-keg, a verita- ble tinderbox, for a shooting match between two nuclear-powered states (already trading belligerent accusations) in which the Philippines may prove to be simply “collateral damage.” Moralizing Demagoguery & Banal Realpolitik For over a year now, over a hundred million Filipinos have suffered the ravages of pandemic due to the militarized abuses and criminal negli- gence of the Duterte regime, with the State apparatus practically managed by police and army officials, retired officers, and their entourage of para- sitic minions. The scourge of the planet continues to ravage the neo- colony. As of July 2021, 1,181 deaths due to Covid-19 have been report- ed. Up to now, there are no organized vaccination campaigns, no accessi- ble mass testing, no provision of adequate medical facilities such as public hospitals and clinics. Given the incompetent, avaricious bureaucracy, it is impossible to expect any humane community-oriented and rights-based approach to the pandemic. Unrelieved unemployment, widespread pover- ty, hunger, hopelessness and misery seem to be the unsavory prospect of millions for the future. Meanwhile, lame-duck Duterte is gearing to manipulate the 2022 elections to insure his impunity from the International Criminal Court’s on- going investigation. Duterte’s “crimes against humanity” are horrific. They include mass atrocities, particularly tens of thousands killed during the drug-war crusade and extra-judicial killings of opponents ranging from priests (e.g. Fr. Rustico Luna Tan of Missionaries of the Sacred Heart, Cebu, is the most recent), civil-society activists, human rights defenders, farmers, workers, students, professionals, and lumpen elements. Specifi- cally targeted are the indigenous communities of Tumandoks in Panay, and the Lumads and Manobos in Mindanao, with Lumad families, particu- larly children in schools being singled out for arrests, torture, prolonged detention, and assassination. Mass media and internet platforms cannot keep up with the regime’s punitive outrages. The inventory of victims has been diligently kept by Karapatan, the leading human-rights monitor in the Philippines. It has publicized online Duterte’s accomplishments to date: 414 victims of extra-judicial killings, 479 frustrated attempts to kill by State security agents; 1,126 illegal arrests and detentions; forced evictions of 469, 025 peasants, workers, etc.(Karapatan 2021). Currently, there are 713 political prisoners (among the 130 women detained are Senator Leila de Lima, Amanda Echanis, Cora Agovida, Grace Versoza, Reina Mae Nasino, and countless others for which we have no space here to enumerate). While Marcos killed and tortured 3,257 Filipinos, Duterte has surpassed him with a record of at least 30,000 deaths (54 of them children) since 2016 (Robertson, 2020). What’s scandalous is that this routine bloodletting seems to have inured the elected legislators, judges, and bureaucrats to a cursed, malevolent status quo. Vexed Cynical Perversions The consensus of pundits may be cited here. Duterte’s “populist au- thoritarianism” won him the 2016 elections because it addresses, accord- ing to Sheila Coronel, “the insecurity of people’s lives and their yearning for effective government” (2017). Unemployment and the seductive, toxic consumerism of a media-saturated milieu heighten this insecurity. The term “populism” is thus misleading since the “people” is a fabrication of commercial polls, social media, etc. It is a free-floating signifier represent- ing anyone not tied to the contested oligarchic hegemony, hence it can be articulated as an antagonistic discourse to challenge whoever is in power (Laclau 1979). Thus Duterte, with appropriate rhetoric and vulgar perfor- mance, posed as “the social bandit” who would rescue drug-addicts, the immoral poor, from perversity and perdition. He may be popular but not populist since his game is more theatrical or histrionic than ideological, yielding the illusion of a messianic reality-effect emanating from the pro- paganda of a local/provincial warlord in search of charisma. In short, it’s all a prestidigitator’s tawdry trick with catastrophic consequences. Sociologist Wataru Kosaka conducted a survey of impoverished groups and proposed this hypothesis: “Duterte’s extra-judicial violence has been largely accepted as ‘tough love’ because his legitimacy is rooted not in adherence to the law but in the persisting social bandit-like morality that revolves around the compassion and violence of a local patriarchal strongman, who maintains social order outside of the state” (2017, 72). Violence, yes, but compassion? No doubt the epithet “populist” is an adhoc rubric, not an analytical category. Instead of being a “populist,” in my view, Duterte performs as a master-magician whose technocratic handlers have manipulated the psy- che/habitus of poverty-stricken males into a compensatory politics of “we” versus “them,” the “good citizens” versus the criminalized “immoral others” who deserve to be wiped out (Almendral 2017). But this compromised bi- nary is apt to break out in irreconcilable contradiction. Lacking publicly de- liberated consensus, this moralizing performance relies on the capricious passivity, fatalism, and temporizing gullibility of its victims. It’s a precarious equilibrium that characterizes a crisis of transition in Philippine politics, from the glamorized Aquino/trapo dynasty back to a parodic Marcos-style clientelism supported by military-police vigilantes/death-squads. To be sure, Duterte’s power lacks authority in its rejection of tradi- tional jurisprudence and Constitutional imperatives. His tenure, resting on militarized coercion and fortuna (Arendt 1968), cannot last without a foun- dation in a sovereign, economically stable industrialized republic. Emer- gencies cannot excuse barbarism. Duterte’s presidency cannot even leave a negative residue (unlike his model Marcos’ martial-law regime) in a feu- dal-compradorized polity dependent on contingent Chinese investments, and the unrelinquishable hold of Washington-Pentagon via the 1946 Treaty of General Relations, the 2014 Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement, and their instrumentalities, the International Monetary Fund and global bank consortiums. Duterte’s gamesmanship with these compet- ing powers is bound to wreck the economy and damage the received so- cial contract. So far, this putative “social order”—a euphemism for draconian regulations, summary executions, and extra-judicial slayings in police crackdowns—have produced over 30,000 victims. The police operations only officially registered 4,075 deaths, while 16,000 cases are still under investigation (Sarmiento 2018). Impunity or lack of accountability by State agencies explains why the Philippines topped the 2017 Global Impunity Index over 69 countries surveyed, which included numerous Latin Ameri- can countries (Dalangin-Fernandez 2017). Duterte’s brutal policy in elimi- nating drug addiction resembles the devastating tragedy in Colombia where the alleged cure—executing suspected drug-addicts in impover- ished slums—was “infinitely worse than the disease” (Time Editors, 1-8 May 2017, 74). Meanwhile, new oligarchs linked to drug syndicates with clandestine links to Duterte associates are emerging from old and new compadre networks, as well as from revitalized patrimonial dynasties (Marcos, Arroyo & their ilk) all ready and eager to replace him. Resurrecting the “Cold War” Syndrome Shock and awe inflicted on millions by a “fatherly” disciplinarian may have worked wonders: slum neighborhoods are supposed to be safe, addicts out of sight; but is anyone accountable or responsible? How is it possible for a “homicidal sociopath,” a foul-mouthed ruffian, to carry out this barbarism in modern-day Philippines? On December 4, 2018, Duterte signed Executive Order 70 (EO70), also known as “the whole-of-nation approach to end the local communist insurgency.” Obviously the targets are the Communist Party of the Philippines and its armed wing, the New People’s Army, and recently the National Democratic Front. Duterte’s Task Force has now implicated their alleged legal fronts: Gabriela, Bayan Muna, Karapatan, Ibon, etc. No one is safe from the dragnet. Reactionary expediency serves to deflect attention from widespread corruption in gov- ernment to legitimize transnational corporate profiteering and plunder of public funds. Observes here and abroad have opined that, under cover of the pandemic, the crusade against communism is an attempt to legitimize the carnage of the drug-war and large-scale looting of the public treasury. Reminiscent of Cold War McCarthyism, EO70 has utilized the entire gov- ernment apparatus for counterinsurgency operations. It is an adjunct to the military’s Oplan Kapayapaan, part of the U.S. “Operation Pacific Eagle: Philippines” which activated U.S. armed participation in the Marawi bloodletting. Various agencies and bureaucratic machineries have been mobi- lized to redtag critics, dissenters, human-rights defenders, and practically anyone suspected of being critical of Duterte and his regime. EO70 has been reinforced with the Anti-Terror Law which imposes de facto martial law on the whole country, with the pandemic and Marawi City siege lend- ing credibility to the fascist weaponization of law and the judiciary. EO70 created also the National Task Force to End the Local Com- munist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC), the country’s prime red-tagger, staffed with military personnel and retired officers With the end of the 2017 peace talks with the “local communists,” the NTF now labels the insur- gents and their sympathizers “terrorists.” To implement its spiteful, relent- less program to extirpate those terrorists, the NTF was granted a huge budget of P19 billion diverted from the resources needed to address the extreme poverty of millions aggravated by the pandemic and lack of health-care, food, humane shelter, etc. With draconian measures, the State’s coercive agencies, together with the court system, continue to stigmatize and intimidate the poorest sectors of society represented by red-tagged organizations such as the Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP, the largest network of peasants struggling for genuine land reform, Anakpawis Party-list, Union ng mga Manggagawa sa Agricultura, KMU (Msy First Labor Federation), and other groups working for the interests of the most oppressed and exploited sectors of society. With his ascribed “gangster charm,” Duterte has openly endorsed the indiscriminate violence of his police and soldiers, urging them to follow a “shoot-to-kill” policy. He broadcast his command in public: “If a suspect draws out a gun, kill him. If he doesn’t, kill him anyway” (Simangan 2017; Sajor 2020). Over 30,000 suspects, among them juveniles, died, deprived of the citizen’s right to due process, presumption of innocence, fair trial, etc. After junking peace talks with the National Democratic Front (NDF), now labeled a terrorist group in addition to the Communist Party of the Philippines and the New People’s Army, Duterte has begun systematically bombing Lumad villages and terrorizing indigenous tribes occupying min- eral-rich regions for allegedly supporting communists. The fascist regime has now concentrated on the assassination of NDF consultants such as Randy Malayao, Randall Echanis, Agaton Topacio, Eugenia Magpantay, Reynaldo Bocala, Julius Giron, among others, and trumped-up charges leveled at environmental activists, human rights defenders such as Karap- atan head Cristina Palabay, church workers, indigenous teachers, all ac- cused of being communist fronts, sympathizers, guilty “fellow-travelers.” Inquiry and Rectification Diverse international groups such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, UN Human Rights Council, and the U.S. State Department have taken notice of Duterte’s record of killings and wanton defiance of universal norms of justice. Duterte’s regime might claim to honor the right to life, liberty, and security of persons guaranteed by the UN Declaration of Human Rights and other Covenants; but its practice consistently defiles those norms. Duterte’s Anti-Terrorism Bill, for example, nullifies the citi- zen’s right to due process, fair trial, rights to free speech and assembly, all promulgated in the Philippine Constitution. Under this Bill, anyone can be surveilled, framed-up and arrested without judicial warrant, jailed without charges, based on mere suspicion and planted evidence. The planting of evidence (guns, bombs, etc) has become the modus operandi for police and army. The Bill gives license to abduct, torture and kill suspects. It le- galizes Duterte’s full-blown fascist dictatorship without any need for him to formally declare martial law (Anakbayan 2020). Filipinos have alerted the international community. In her report, UN Special Rapporteur Agnes Callamard has charged Duterte with “wide- spread and systematic attack directed against a civilian population” (Umil 2921). The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights report- ed in June 2020 how the Anti-Terrorism Act and the National Task Force provided institutional mechanisms allowing extensive human rights viola- tions, without domestic remedies to resolve the abuses. The Philippine ju- dicial system has been complicit in repressing any critic or dissenter. Likewise, the Senate has abandoned its duty to inquire into such flagrant atrocities, with one senator even urging the body to grant emergency powers to the autocratic president so as to arrest anyone without a war- rant. Desperation and fragility characterize the despot’s last days. With the Congress and Senate rendered inutile, if not an accomplice of the per- petrator, Duterte has threatened to declare martial law—in imitation of his 12 mentor, Ferdinand Marcos—if the judiciary (Supreme Court) interferes with his war on drug-addicts. Dishevelled impotence and futility distinguish such threats. Justice may be delayed but not forever denied. Although Duterte withdrew the country from being a signatory party to the Rome Statute for fear of being indicted, the International Criminal Court has not been de- terred. It has decided to proceed in its investigation of Duterte’s crimes against humanity, specifically his sponsorship of extrajudicial killings and summary executions while he was mayor of Davao City and as president. On June 14, 2021, Fatou Bensouda, the Court’s outgoing prosecutor, rec- ommended investigation of the regime for “crimes against humanity.” The Court has documented 378 cases of recorded extrajudicial killings and 488 cases of attempted murder. The Court has included within its scope the record of massive human-rights violations in Davao City when Duterte was mayor. His notorious death-squad in Davao City has served as the institutional template for his ruthless war against drug-addicts, farmers, teachers, lawyers, doctors, journalists, trade unionists, indigenous leaders and urban poor organizers in their own homes. This looming indictment has driven Duterte to speculate on vying for the position vice-president in the 2020 elections to insure that he can use the state apparatus to defy and elude the Court’s outreach. Counter-intuitively, doomsday cannot be postponed. Denouement Without Catharsis The international group InvestigatePH has called on the UN Human Rights Council to hold the Duterte regime responsible for thousands of ex- tra-judicial killings, abductions, illegal arrests, detentions and other forms of violation of human rights and humanitarian law. It recommends that Duterte be held criminally liable for official orders to kill drug users and civ- il-society activists, allowing government agencies to utilize public funds and networks to weaponize the law and stifle dissent (Cabana 2021). Since the U.S. has been actively involved in funding military and police training, as well as providing arms and equipment, various international groups have called on the U.S. Congress to pass the Philippines Human Rights Act (PHRA). This Act will halt military funding, weapon sales and donations of armament, to the police and army until the Philippine government guarantees respect for the human rights of its citizens. It also re- quires the Philippine judicial system to prosecute members of the police and military responsible for human-rights violations. Since 2014, the US. has given $550 million in military aid or security assistance. More than $33 million of U.S. taxpayers money has been given to the Philippine police for its war on drugs. In 2018, U.S. aid amounted to $193.5 million. Last July 2020, the U.S. Congress was discussing the terms of $2 billion arms sales including twelve attack helicopters, hundreds of missiles and warheads, guidance and detection systems, machine guns, over eighty-thousand rounds of ammunition, and so on (Chew 2020). All these will be used in Duterte’s campaign to crush the opposition with the pretext of fighting terrorism. Much of the earlier aid has been used in the Marawi City battle where in- discriminate warfare by massive aerial bombing and artillery fire have killed civilians and displaced over 450,000 civilians. U.S. personnel, weapons, intelligence and training were all involved in this breach of in- ternational humanitarian law. This war on the BangsaMoro nation has pro- vided cover for land seizures from displaced residents, denying the Moro people’s right to self-determination (InvestigatePH, 2021), Vigil on the Eve of Judgment Day Responding to a worldwide campaign, the International Committee of the AFL-CIO has urged the passage of the PHRA to suspend U.S. tax- payer-funded military aid to the Duterte regime “until security officials stop the routine violations of human rights and those responsible for abuses are held accountable” (2020). This move is supported by the Communica- tion Workers of America, International Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines, Malaya, and others. On the face of this international outcry, the plight of 110 million Filipinos has worsened with the militarized han- dling of the pandemic, aggravating the misery caused by lack of social provisions for health care and basic necessities of food, shelter, clothing, sanitation, etc. Precarity, fatalism, servility, and arbitrary violence charac- terize the chaotic milieu of millions of ordinary Filipinos today, including those in the diaspora. What’s the prospect? The research group IBON warned two years ago of the precarious situation of high inflation, high unemployment, slow- ing growth, rising interest rates, swelling trade deficits, a falling peso, stagnation of agriculture and industry, and decline of remittances from mi- grant workers. IBON also noted that sharpened political uncertainty from resurgent, wider protests induced by economic discontent, assertions of human rights, and opposition to corrupt authoritarian governance are bound to destabilize the old order (IBON 2018). These trends will surely intensify and ripen the fundamental contradictions of a neocolonized social formation. Meanwhile, the plague spreads and the fabled Geist/Spirit of con- tradiction rides on. What is to be done? Our civic duty/vocation seems clear. My conviction is that in the antagonism between the oligarchic State machine and the counter-hegemonic popular bloc, ultimately the conscien- ticized “wretched of the earth” will overcome. The future can only be forged by the people’s combative will for radical social transformation. In this wager, we are inspired by Marta Harnecker’s axiom of emancipatory politics as the art of making possible the impossible, “the art of construct- ing a social and political force capable of changing the balance of forces in favor of the popular movement, so as to make possible in the future that which today appears impossible” (2016). The spirit of negation is bound to release the repressed potentialities lodged in the past and present in the ongoing project of national-popular liberation. This process is ineluctable. Only the organized mobilization of millions of Filipinos can determine whether the maelstrom of resistance can generate the necessary structur- al changes that will bring about the conditions needed for the majority to enjoy the long-awaited benefits of social justice, participatory democracy, equality, and genuine sovereignty. REFERENCES AFl-CIO Executive Council. 2020. “Congress Should Introduce and Pass the Human Rights Act.” Council Statement. Washington DC: June 19. Amendral, Aurora. 2017. “The General Running Duterte’s Antidrug War.” The New York Times (June 2): A15. Arendt, Hannah. 1968. Between Past and Present. New York: The Viking Press. Anakbayan. 2020. “‘On the So-called Anti-Terrorism Bill.” Anakbayan (June 24). Aquino, Alyssa. 2017. “Undocumented Filipinos Are Living a Special Nightmare in Trump’s America.” Foreign Policy in Focus. Washington DC: FPIF. Bauzon, Kenneth. 1991. “Knowledge and Ideology in Philippine Society.” Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society 19: 207-34. Barnes, Julian. 2021. “Intelligence Report Warns Pandemic is Chipping Away at the World Order.” The New York Times (9 April): A 11. Cabana, Ysh. 2021. “Philippines: International pressure to investigate Duterte crimes against humanity.” MRonline (28 January). Catholic Institute for International Relations. 1985. The Labour Trade. London: Catholic Institute. Coronel, Sheila. 2017. “A Presidency Bathed in Blood.” Democracy Journal (29 June). 
Davis, Mike. 2020. “Beware the light at the end of the Covid tunnel.” The Nation (11 March). Danguilan-Fernandez, Lara. 2017. “Worst yet to come.” InterAksyon (22 Sep tember). 
Dean, Vera Micheles. 1957. The Nature of the Non-Western World. New York: New American Library.
Editors, The New York Times. 2021. “Opinion: Why Our Spies Say the Future is Bleak.” The New York Times (April 16): A22.
Harnecker, Marta. 2016. “Ideas for the Struggle.” Old and New Project/Monthly Review. 
Harvey, David. 2014. Seventeen Contradictions and the End of Capitalism. New York: Oxford University Press.
Hong, Nicole et al. 2021. “Brutal Attack on Filipino Woman Sparks Outrage: Everybody is on Edge.” The New York Times (30 March): A15.
IBON. 2018. “Philippine Economy Deteriorating.” Ibon Features (29 August). Institute of Oriental Studies (USSR Academy of Sciences). 1978. Lenin and National Liberation in the East. Moscow: Progress Publishers. InvestigatePH. 2021. “Second Report of the Independent International Commission of Investigation into Human Rights Violations in the Philippines, 6 July 2021.” May 18, 20, 25, and 27 Hearings. New York: Investigateph. Karapatan. 2021. Karapatan Monitor. January-March 2021. Kosaka, Wataru. 2017. “Bandit Grabbed the State: Duterte’s Moral Politics. Philippine Sociological Review 65: 49-75. 16 Laclau, Ernesto. 1977. Politics and Marxist Ideology in Marxist Theory. London: Verso. McCord, William. 1991. The Dawn of the Pacific Century. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers. Morelli, Paula, Alma Trinidad, and Richard Alboroto. 2020. “Asian Americans: Filipinos.” Encyclopedia of Social Work. New York: Oxford University Press. Nguyen, Viet Thanh. 2021. “The Flawed Fiction of ‘Asian American.’ “ The New York Times (June 6): A23. Powell, Luca. 2021. “The Pandemic’s Toll on Filipino Nurses.” The New York Times (17 January): 30. Sajor, Leanne. 2020. “State Repression in the Philippines During COVID-19 and Beyond.” Open Democracy (7 July). San Juan, E. 2007. U.S. Imperialism and Revolution in the Philippines. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Simangan, Dahlia. 2017. “Is the Philippine ‘War on Drugs’ an Act of Genocide?” Journal of Genocide Research (October): 1-22. Takaki, Roland. 1989. Strangers from a Different Shore. Boston: Little Brown & Co. Time Editors. 2017. “Rodrigo Duterte.” Time (May 1-8): 74.
Twain, Mark. 1992. Mark Twain’s Weapons of Satire. Ed. Jim Zwick. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press.
Robertson, Phil. 2020. “Another Spike in Philippine Drug War Deaths.” Human Rights Watch (28 September). New York: Human Rights Watch.
Umil, Anne Marxe. 2021.”Long Wait for Justice Finally Coming to Light.” Bulatlat (26 June). __________ About the Author: E.SAN JUAN, Jr. is emeritus professor of English, Ethnic Studies and Com- parative Literature, University of Connecticut, and was recently visiting pro- fessor, University of the Philippines and Polytechnic University of the Philip- pines. He was previously a fellow of the W.E.B. DuBois Institute, Harvard University; and Fulbright professor of American Studies, Leuven University, Belgium. His recent books are In the Wake of Terror (Lexington), T oward Fil- 17 ipino S elf-Determination (SUNY Press); and Carlos Bulosan: R evolutionary Filipino Writers in the U.S. (Peter Lang).

Sunday, September 19, 2021

MAELSTROM OVER THE KILLING FIELDS by E. San Juan Jr., available from POPULAR BOOKSTORE, T. Morato Ave., Quezon City, order from their Website

Order now via Website of POPULAR BOOK STORE, 305 Tomas Morato Avenue, Quezon City, phone: 372-2050....

Maelstrom over the Killing Fields

Interventions in the Project
Of National-Democratic Liberation

A  BOOK REVIEW BY

Paulino Lim, Jr.
Emeritus Professor of English California State University, Long Beach

From one who has written innumerable books, this volume may be viewed as an “anthology of San Juan’s best essays.” It has a powerful voice that stirs the maelstrom over “the killing fields,” a metaphor that came out of the Vietnam War (1955-1975), and most apt for the Philippines, where the first killing fields took place when the U.S. military fought and conquered the insurgents and proceeded to colonize the country (1899-1912).

The anthology presents an “agenda for change and social transformation.” It focuses on particular themes, situations and personages, e.g. the diaspora, pandemic, Jose Rizal and Nick Joaquin. (Was Rizal gay? How do you account for Joaquin’s “tragic-comic consciousness?) In each essay San Juan goes deep into the subject, deploying various analytical tools drawn from history, philosophy and literary criticism, and synthesizes the findings into a coherent “knowledge” or information about the subject. The new information may add, amplify, or revise previously known “facts,” but does it constitute Truth? Is the latest interpretation analogous to the self-portraits that the artist paints in the course of his life? It is up to the reader to decide.

A critical tool that San Juan includes in the analysis is the “structure of feeling” that informs not only the interpretation or criticism itself but also the attitude of the critic himself–a technique he adopted from Charles Sanders Peirce credited in the. Acknowledgements. In fiction, laying the feelings of a narrative is the equivalent ofs scoring a film with music.

A simple exercise is to define the feeling of some elements of the Preface. San Juan calls in awe the pandemic as a “planetary upheaval”; condemns the exploitation by “rapacious” capitalists–with the aid of Karl Marx. (i) He mourns the death in 2020 of 67 Filipino nurses ministering to Covid-19 patients. He recalls with

muted pride the militant Filipino presence in the U.S. that marked the four-day riots in Watsonville, California, in December 1929. The event prefigured the violence against Asians, Filipinos included, being blamed for importing the virus from Wu Han.

What convinces the reader as in the case of Rizal and Joaquin, for instance, , is San Juan’s close reading of the author’s works (poems, essays and novels) and tracing the development of his “sensibility” reflected in the work. San Juan’s final word on Rizal is that he was “not a messiah, only a prophetic intellectual of colonized peoples “ San Juan recalls James Michener’s remark that Rizal’s novels were “directly responsible for the author’s death.” San Juan sums up Rizal’s challenge for Filipinos to “fight and win their independence by their own sacrifices.” The essay ends with a passage from “Mi Ultimo Adios.”

I die when I see the dawn break,
Through the gloom of night, to herald the day;o And if color is lacking my blood thou shalt take Pour’d out at need for thy dear sake,
To dye with its crimson the waking ray. (89)

What entertains the reader are the human-interest and gossipy details, embellished by San Juan’s often sardonic comments. Rizal’s Austrian correspondent Ferdinand Blumentritt tries to console him: “. . . but you are one of the heroes who conquer pain from a wound inflicted by women. (64) He met in 1888 a 22-year-old O-Sei-San, a samurai's daughter, “may have experienced carnal bliss.” (65) The historian Ambeth Ocampo has interpreted the recurrence of snakes as phallic symbols in Rizal’s dreams, suggesting that Rizal may have been a closet gay. (66) Rizal performed a common-law marriage ceremony with the “wandering swallow” Josephine Bracken by holding hands together and marrying themselves. The Catholic priest Father Obach refused to marry them. (67)

Of particular interest to me is the discourse on the Filipino diaspora. I write as an OFW (overseas Filipino worker/writer), the largest segment of the Filipino diaspora. (The discourse provides a prospectus for M.A. and Ph.D., defining six “theses” to pursue.) I am glad I am not writing in Myanmar (I am three-fourths Malayan) or in Hong Kong (one-fourth Chinese). I read Maelstrom during Advent anticipating the birth of Christ. What we got instead was the “second coming” of Covid-19. Nonetheless, I took Communion to celebrate the presence, and the

booster shot to ward off the pandemic. The pandemic has introduced new modes of learning, done away with SAT and college entrance exams, re-examined Ethnic and Women’s Studies, as Delia V. Aguilar explores in the Afterword. (201)

San Juan’s review of the colonization and decolonization of the Philippines has been a welcomed corrective to my naive reading of the country’s history. The structure of my feelings was centered on gratitude. Gratitude to Spain for bringing the Roman alphabet and the Catholic Religion; to America for introducing democracy, public education, and English–the lingua franca of the world and the Internet; and to Japan, after repulsion by the atrocities the military inflicted in the Bataan Death March, for Buddhism, calligraphy, and the films of Ozu and Kurosawa.

In San Juan’s capsule review, “The history of the Philippines may be read asseculaone long chronicle of the people’s struggle against colonialism and imperialism for the sake of affirming human dignity and universal justice.

Gratitude still centers my feelings toward the U.S., despite the white supremacy movement and the “Big Lie” of the 2020 Presidential Elections being. Stolen. UCLA exempted me from paying the $600 out-of-state tuition fee; now it runs to about $32,000. San Juan earned his bachelor’s degree in English at the secular University of the Philippines, modeled after the U.S. state university system. I attended the Dominican University of Santo Tomas, Manila, with its compulsory Scholastic curriculum requiring courses in Ethics, Cosmology, . And two semesters of Logic. This prepared me for writing term papers in my UCLA graduate courses in Linguistics, Drama, and American, Romantic and Victorian Literatures. (I did my Ph.D. dissertation on Byron).

Teaching at California State University, Long Beach, gave me time to research and write. I wrote four interrelated novels dealing with the Marcos Dictatorship that I call, perhaps inordinately, “The Philippine Quartet.” It is an homage to Lawrence Durrell whose Alexandria Quartette fascinated me as an undergraduate. In the first novel Tiger Orchids on Mount Mayon, the protagonist Mark is a surrogate for Marx. Mark studied at U.P., joined the teach-ins conducted by the Marxist professor Saldivar and read Mao Tse Tung’s
Red Book.

In Maelstrom over the Killing Fields, San Juan persuades Filipinos in the homeland and in the diaspora to act on an agenda for change and social transformation. No other Filipino approaches his scholarly output and world-wide

stature as an intellectual. I honor him, as I do the journalist Maria Ressa–the first Filipino to win a Nobel Peace Prize. There is so much love in what he writes, so much light in what he says

O0o



ON PROBLEMS OF TRANSLATION FROM FILIPINO TO ENGLISH

FILIPINO/ENGLISH PLAY-DRIVE: REFLECTIONS ON THE TRANSLATION GAME E. San Juan, Jr. University of Connecticut, USA philcsc@gmail.com
What does it mean to speak of the “interpretation” of a sign? Interpretation is merely another word for translation . . . What are signs for, anyhow? . . . They are to communicate ideas, . . . some potentiality, some form, which may be embodied in external or in internal signs. But why should this idea-potentiality be so poured from one vessel into another unceasingly? Is it a mere exercise of the World-spirit’s Spiel-trieb—mere amusement? —Charles Sanders Peirce, “The Basis of Pragmaticism” (388) What is translation? On a platter / A poet’s pale and glaring head. / A parrot’s screech, a monkey’s chatter, / and profanation of the dead. —Vladimir Nabokov, “On Translating Eugene Onegin”(531) If all discourse is effectuated as an event, it is understood as meaning… It is this dialectic of event and meaning which makes possible the detachment of meaning from the event in writing. —Paul Ricouer, ‘“Writing as a Problem” (321) Translation studies as a disciplinary research field has recently become institutionalized in the Western academy, with university courses and publication programs devoted to it. Translators of European authors are highly paid in the trade-book industry. The Modern Language Association of America (MLA) has a flourishing trade in publishing English translations of obscure, esoteric texts. In a recent MLA Newsletter, Barbara Fuchs laments how, when the singer Jennifer Lopez interrupted her medley of songs in English with the Spanish translation of two lines of the Pledge of Allegiance during the 2021 Presidential Inauguration, her computer screen inserted the caption: “Speaking foreign language,” thus negating the point of her intervention. Fuchs objects to that “automated, mechanistic force of its characterization” as negating the singer’s “gesture of political inclusivity”: “While the performance was undoubtedly an important moment of signaling, its immediate framing as an interruption of the foreign, the untranslatable, the unknown—in the form of a language spoken by over fifty million people in the United States—signals the important work yet before us” (2). Fortunately, in the Philippines, we sing the national anthem in Filipino, spoken by at least 80 percent of 110 million citizens, not distracted by English captions. But in the daily practice of Filipinos in social media and in government and business affairs, English easily trumps Filipino or any of the vernaculars. Translation may indeed be more than a gesture of political inclusivity. The Vulgate translation of the Hebrew and Greek Bible by Saint Jerome (347–420), adopted by the Roman Catholic Church, underwent diverse mutations in the national languages of the Protestant countries in Europe. Luther’s German rendition and the King James version are easily the most influential. Incidentally, they all followed St. Jerome’s error of translating the Hebrew word keren (meaning “radiated light”) into “grew horns,” thus Moses was sculpted with horns. St. Jerome should have followed Constance Garnett’s habit of leaving out words she did not understand for her translation of the Russian classics into English. The usual expectation that a cross-language version must be a carbon copy of the original, transferring facts, style, and structure of the source into the target language, is what business and government interpreters/translators must fulfill. But the literary translation of poetry, in particular, imposes more exacting demands. The complexity and singularity of the languages involved, not just structure (grammar and syntax) but also idiomatic or metaphorical networks, demands more rigorous standards. It thus involves what Schiller called “Spieltrieb” (407), an instinctive play-drive, whose object is the living form of beauty (Lebende Gestalt), the coalescence of material and form, being and becoming. Schiller’s concept may be seminal but arguably utopian. Almost all practitioners seek a balance between extremes (the literal and tropological), between what Croce called “faithful ugliness or faithless beauty” (Holman 451). This may explain why the impulse to translate mutates into a demiurgic motivation to create an original, such as Edward Fitzgerald’s The Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam (1859). In any case, translation is not just a matter of producing verbal equivalents, either literal or not. All translators produce what Charles Sanders Peirce calls “interpretants” linking signifiers to their objects on some ground, purpose, or rationale, not arbitrarily as Ferdinand Saussure assumed in his semiology. In Peirce’s semiotics, translations produce interpretants of three kinds: immediate, or the specific way that signifiers can be actualized in various ways; dynamic, or the “single actual event” or experience of making sense or getting the intent of the signifiers; and the final or logical interpretant, which is the understanding of or belief in the purpose or purposes for which the signs/signifiers are being used (“Lady Welby” 412–21). What this amounts to is that there may not be any agreement about the ultimate purpose or intent of the translation (the dynamic and final logical interpretant) except the attempt to actualize the immediate interpretant. In Peirce’s semiotics, “there is no final confluence of interpretations” (Short 187–90), that is, there is no such thing as correct, accurate, or faithful translation leading to a consensus of beliefs because authors/translators vary in time and place, as well as readers/listeners. Sociohistorical contingencies cannot be eluded and must be taken into account, one way or another. Homo ludens Becoming Homo faber This does not imply that anything goes, since meaning has to be formulated in further signs, into intelligible discourse for some community or other. Translation is then the versatile exercise of the play-drive. It is an artful linguistic game sui generis, its criticism a heuristic method for its appreciation. That is why, perhaps, Jorge Luis Borges (1899–1986), who at nine years old translated Oscar Wilde’s “The Happy Prince” into Spanish, advised that we attend more to the context (the cultural horizon of communication and nuanced speech-acts) than the text or the formalized referent (178). In short, the six functions of linguistic communication outlined by Roman Jakobson needs to be given appropriate assignments. To be sure, translation is a human, not machine, performance. This may explain why translators such as Edward Seidensticker (in the case of the Japanese Yasunari Kawabata) and Gregory Rabassa (with Gabriel Garcia Marquez) produced versions more genuine-sounding or authentic to their English readers. Consider then this conundrum: can the translation claim to be a sovereign, uoriginal source-text, with a life of its own not dependent on its author? We are then plunged into the abyss of endless semiosis. Modern literary criticism since the romantic period posited the organic fusion of form and content, thus questioning the possibility of translation as a faithful convergence of linguistic life-worlds. Shelley, for instance, likened translation to subjecting a violet to chemical analysis while Robert Frost opined that poetry is “what gets left out in translation” (Hyde 200). Surely, no one expects a rigorously strict correspondence between source and target texts. The English poet John Dryden translated many classic works into the contemporary idiom of his time. He distinguished his practice as an act of paraphrasing the translated work’s style, “to vary but the dress, not alter or destroy the substance,” thus violating the axiom of the organic unity of form and content (Hyde 201). Contradistinguished from Dryden’s formula of paraphrasing, imitiation as a mode of synthetic mimesis or reconfiguring of the original may be exemplified by Robert Lowell’s “Imitations,” as well as by Ezra Pound’s “Homage to Sextus Propertius” and Louis Zukovsky’s mimicry of Catullus’ Latin originals (Hyde 201). Wether paraphrase or imitation, this mode of translation seeks to capture the complex, singular phenomenology of a given artistic creation or artifice for their respective audiences, thus bridging disparate times and spaces. We are reminded of Walter Benjamin’s concept of translation as the purgation of profane language so as to reach a higher spiritual divine level, releasing the “unexpressed and creative word” from its merely communicative use. However, paradoxically, we begin with the literal rendering of the syntax of words to capture the “intentio of the original”: “For if the sentence is the wall before the language of the original, literalness is the arcade” (79). The more incomprehensible the translation (as Holderlin’s version of Sophocles) since it is further up the ladder of truth or doctrine that language is the symbol of the incommunicable, Benjamin concludes, so much the better! The more wayward the translation, the more cogent it is, thus confirming the indictment: traduttore, traditore. This accords with Peirce’s semiotics and the hierarchy of interpretants (immediate, dynamic and final/logical), still cognizant of the six linguistic functions already invoked. Before situating translation in the Philippine context, I want to remind would-be linguistic traders and word-players of the dangers involved in this act of transfer as a mode of communication. In the global conflicts today, thousands of Afghan translators/interpreters who worked for the U.S. military are facing assassination by the Taliban for their services. About three hundred of roughly 18,000 Afghanis have been killed since 2014; and thousands today face certain death as the U.S. finalizes its withdrawal from that war-torn country (Zuccchino and Rahim). Iraqi interpreters suffered the same fate when the U.S. destroyed and then withdrew from Iraq. One wonders whether Filipinos who translated captured revolutionary communiques for the American invaders in the Filipino-American War of 1899-1913 were prosecuted, or those who translated/interpreted for the Japanese aggressors in World War II were ever brought to trial as collaborators of the enemy. Translation then becomes treason or treachery and betrayal depending on which linguistic, political camp one happens to find oneself in the end. Historical specificity thus informs and determines the ethical-political valence of linguistic exchanges. What is instructive is the fate suffered by Arab scholar-translator Mohamed Yousry in the wake of 9/11. Yousry, a graduate student at New York University, was then employed by attorney Lynne Stewart who was convicted for allegedly aiding the blind Muslim cleric Abdel Rahman; Sheik Rahman was then serving a life-sentence in federal prison for conspiring to bomb New York City landmarks (Preston). Because Yousry translated from Arabic to English the messages of the cleric for attorney Stewart, he was implicated in the charge of violating prison rules, deceiving the government, and aiding terrorism. So translators, beware! Your scholarly talent and linguistic skills might render you vulnerable, since even the American Translators Association and the National Association of Judiciary Interpreters and Translators would not come to your succor in times of need or emergency, in a climate of moral panic and jingoistic exceptionalism. The Personal Is Not Yet Political One of the more provocative commentaries on the politics and ethics of translation has been made by Steven Ungar in his contribution to the anthology Comparative Literature in an Age of Globalization (2002). Ungar summarizes the opinions of various scholars who assayed the poetics of translation as a cultural political practice open to ethical dimensions involving greater respect for linguistic and cultural differences. He cites Sherry Simon’s feminist view urging a cultural turn so as to promote a critical, pragmatic, or functionalist approach: “Instead of asking the traditional question which has preoccupied translation theorists—‘What is a correct translation?’—the emphasis is placed on a descriptive approach: ‘what do translations do, how do they circulate in the world and elicit response?” (131) (For the application of Jakobson’s functionalist linguistics on translation, see Aveling; also Heaney and Hass). From that perspective, the historical-ethical situation of the translator in the Philippines is anomalous if not an affront to their Western counterparts. Who cares about Filipino/Tagalog poetry and its translation into English or other prestigious languages? In the early years of Spanish colonization, the Spanish missionaries destroyed much of the pre-contact literature composed in syllabary and initiated the lexicographical inventory of the vernaculars. The first translations of Tagalog poetry into Spanish were ascribed to Fernando Bagong-banta, a ladino or bilingual native. They were included in a religious instruction book entitled Memorial de la vida cristiana en lengua tagala (1605) by the friar Francisco de San Jose. Bienvenido Lumbera describes the priest’s “archaic metaphorical prose” expounding the basic doctrines of the Catholic faith (27). Translation was thus a utilitarian, pedagogical instrument for proselytizing; in effect, it was weaponized for sustained evangelization in the service of imperial domination. Analogous to that pattern was the systematic imposition of American English as the official language in the first three decades of US colonial pacification of the Philippines (1899–1930). Three centuries after Bagong-banta’s intervention, the Jesuit-tutored Jose Rizal deployed his language skills to educate his relatives by translating Schiller’s Wilhelm Tell and the French 1789 Declaracion des droits de l’homme et de citoyen (1789) into Tagalog (Ocampo 120, 341–472). Katipunan leaders Andres Bonifacio and Emilio Jacinto followed Rizal’s example. In the period of revolutionary ferment, Filipinos who engaged in translation pursued a conscienticizing (to use Paulo Freire’s term) agenda—one might even label it “tendentious” translation—dictated by the needs of the embattled community. When English became the official and aspirational language of the US colony, the imperative to translate vernacular writing lost its rationale with the establishment of universal public education, the wide circulation of mass media in American English, and the inferiorization of indigenous speech-acts. Decolonizing Imperative and Agenda It is only in our recent history that translation—between the colonized and colonizer’s tongue—can be conceived as an emancipatory act. Moving from one language system/conceptual framework to another can be construed as not just a mode of cross-cultural understanding. It is also an exploration of our motives and purposes in engaging in the translation-act. One recent example is Bienvenido Lumbera’s adaptation, not translation, of Carlos Bulosan’s classic ethnobiography, America Is in the Heart. Lumbera’s artifice was not a symmetrical transfer but a re-functioning of narrative episodes in response to the political exigencies of the mass movement after Benigno Aquino’s assassination in 1983, a strategy inspired by Paula and Carolina Malay’s earlier translation of the book into Tagalog, Nasa Puso ang Amerika, praised by Lumbera as endowed with rich, sutble, vigorous, “contemporary urban flavor” (Suri 291). It is now difficult to obtain copies of Bulosan’s filipinized chronicle of the early diaspora. Those two play-drive attempts at verbal gaming may be compared with Jose Lacaba’s efforts to adapt (“halaw” is his rubric) to colloquial Filipino poems by Sappho, Marvell, Neruda, Brecht, Pound, Tu Fu, etc., and Pia Arboleda’s skillful translation of Ninotchka Rosca’s stories into Filipino, in order to gauge the distance between acts done under pressure (the mass protests against the Marcos dictatorship), and those performed in more leisurely, self-reflective fashion. The simple lesson is that we cannot appreciate and judge the art of translation detached from the historical-political situations of the translators, as well as their intentions, and the audiences that their projects addressed. Such variables constitute the parameters for evaluating the success or failure of translation-experiments. This brings us finally to the question why we need to measure the power and potential of our vernacular tongue (in this case, Filipino) by the amount and quality of the works that have been carried out. The hypothesis is challenging, if not scandalous. In 2000, Mario Miclat cited the inventory of translations into Tagalog made by Lilia Francisco Antonio: two titles a year in 400 years since the Doctrina Cristiana (1593), the first book published in the Philippines. If it were not for the ladino Tomas Pinpin and his progeny, Miclat insinuates, we would still be barbarians, unlettered savages awaiting tutelage by our Castilian and Yankee conquerors. Miclat is pleased to inform us of the three-volume translation of Alejandro Dumas’s Ang Konde ng Monte Cristo by Pascual Poblete, but he bemoans the fact that no one has yet translated Don Quixote. He therefore urges more Westernization, following the path of Japan and China, forgetting the status of Chinese and Japanese as exemplary, archetypal languages with thousands of years of usage and elaborate refinement compared to our relatively primitive vernaculars. Miclat remarks that we are too lazy; however, he abruptly concludes that “Having defined the Other, we have defined ourselves”—a wholly mystifying conclusion. Undeterred, Miclat observes that we need to “define our translation needs” and rouse ourselves to satisfy those needs without which we cannot belong to the affluent industrialized nation-states of Europe and North America. Inventory and Reconnaissance A brief personal history may be instructive here. Long before I read Miclat’s alarming call and enjoyed the artifices of Lumbera, the Malays, and Arboleda, I had been recruited by the late Rogelio Mangahas in the 1960s to work with the collective Kapisanang Aklat, Diwa at Panitik (KADIPAN) compatriots. I helped Alejandro Abadilla edit his avant-garde magazine Panitikan. Long before I encountered the charge of “traduttore, traditore,” I had been engaged in this treacherous pursuit for some time. After a lengthy correspondence with the poet, I translated selected works of Amado V. Hernandez into English, published in 1966 as Rice Grains by International Publishers in New York—perhaps the first international edition for a Tagalog poet. The motive? Inspired by his fortitude during Cold War McCarthyism, I struck a friendship with the poet while completing my graduate studies at Harvard University where I discovered William James’s anti-imperialist writings. The nationalist resurgence in the sixties combined with the Civil-Rights anti-war mobilization in the US produced an incalculable impact. Our generation shifted its bearings and orientation. In that conjuncture, I had begun to write in Filipino when I became more involved with other vernacular writers, especially with the feisty maverick Abadilla. Throughout the decade, I cooperated with Abadilla in publishing his anthology Ako ang Daigdig and other projects, and with Rogelio Mangahas in gathering materials for his 1967 anthology, Manlilikha, a project of KADIPAN, and the volume Makata by Makata, Inkorporada. We were also immersed in anti-martial-law agitprop and research into Filipino labor struggles, in particular the farm-workers movement in California and the Northwest where Bulosan and his comrades were active in the International Longshoremen and Warehousemen’s Union. Historical circumstances ineluctably overdetermine personal choices. The nationalist upsurge from 1970 to 1986 influenced my decision to write fiction and poetry in Filipino and to publish in Liwayway, Free Press in Filipino, and other venues. I was encouraged in this by Hernandez, Abadilla, Mangahas, Ben Medina Jr., Teodoro Agoncillo, Anacleto Dizon, and others. This was before the bold effort to “intellectualize” the vernaculars in line with Virgilio Enriquez’s invention of “sikolohiyang Pilipino” and Lumbera’s historical inquiries into Tagalog poetry. In high school, we were assigned Balagtas’s awit as an exercise in grammar and syllable-counting, oblivious to its ethico-political function. This is still the standard way of teaching this classic touchstone. In 1969 I ventured a philosophical exegesis of “Florante at Laura” entitled Balagtas: Art and Revolution, which Patricia Melendrez-Cruz and Apolonio Chua included in their anthology Himalay. Around the same time, the artist-critic Rodolfo Paras-Perez invited me to translate Balagtas’ poem accompanied by his drawings for a limited deluxe edition issued in 1978. The background for this translation is my Filipinization of Western poetics ranging from the Anglo-Saxon “The Seafarer” and “The Dream of the Rood” to Horace, Gautier, Holderlin, Lu Hsun, Brecht, McDiarmid, Hemingway, Mayakovsky, Hikmet, Langston Hughes, Vallejo, Mao Tse-tung, Ernesto Che Guevarra, McGrath, and assorted Vietnamese poets (see my Sapagka Iniigbig Kita at Iba Pang Bagong Tula). The milieu and vocabulary of those writers, not that of the hallowed George St. Clair version, mediated my play-drive performance or creative rearticulation of Balagtas’s epic narrative. Modernizing the Legacy My English reworking or, more precisely, my prosaic imitation of Balagtas’s masterpiece was finally given wider reception in the NCCA 2019 publication of Florante at Laura: The Exhibition, curated by Annatha Lilo Gutierrez. The flavor of that postmodern rendering of the archaic awit may be discerned in my transfiguration of the penultimate stanza: “Therefore the militant masses, in gratitude, raised their clenched fists to the sky. The king and queen thought of nothing but to scatter the fruits of production to their partisans.” The original was bare: “Kaya nga’t nagtaas ang kamay sa langit, / sa pasasalamat ng bayang tangkilik; /ang hari’t ang reyna’t walang iniisip / kundi ang magsabog ng awa sa kabig” (Paculan 99). The interpretants I marshalled above were intended to activate the emotive and conative potentialities of the source-text. Since my focus was on the target text/contemporary audience, I had resorted to the alchemical strategies that Andre Lefevere had catalogued in Translating Literature. Taking account of the ideological/political frame of the original, its illocutionary nuances, and contrived tactics to modernize a dusty canonical text, I opted to register the spirit, the structure of feeling, not the referential veracity of my source. Hence, the “clenched fists,” “fruits of production” and “partisans” conformed to the universe of discourse of the third-world, left-wing youth, and civil-rights movement of the translator’s time (compare the Victorian idiom and monotony of George St. Clair’s version). Immersed in the author’s milieu, I recalled how that awit inspired Rizal and the 1896 revolutionary propagandists. The aim of readability coincided with the imperative of capturing the ambience, the contour of sensibility, of the original. Navigating Oriental Passages Before the West Philippine Sea controversy, we were already fascinated with Taoism and Zen Buddhism via Ezra Pound and my teacher at Harvard, I.A. Richards, who had annotated Mencius’s speculations on thinking/mind. Mao’s Yenan Forum on literature was not far behind. The next act of “traitorship” occurred in the last decade of the twentieth century, with my Filipino version of Lao Tzu’s classic Tao Te Ching based on the interlinear translation of Gregory Richter. This method accords with Walter Benjamin’s tongue-in-cheek advice endorsing interlinear models as “the prototype or ideal of all translation” (82). Why this experiment? Well, before I studied Peirce’s semiotics, I was inspired by Pound’s technique of capturing the ambience of canonical texts (from Propertius and troubadours to the Analects and Japanese Noh plays). I was also then engaged in inquiries into materialist dialectics and its analogies in Taoist/Zen Buddhist dynamics. So the Tao was re-christened: “Landas & Kapangyarihan sa Makabuluhang Buhay.” My other purpose in grappling with Tao Te Ching was to find out if the maxims of Taoism can be expressed in the vernacular idiom. Consequently, from the two last lines of the text in the English of Ames and Hall, “Thus the way of tian [heaven] is to benefit without harming; The way of the sages is to do without contending” (204), I inferred this insight: “Ang landas ng langit ay nagsasabog ng buti at pakinabang; hindi ito pumipinsala. /Ang landas ng pantas ay nagsasakatuparan nang walang pakikipag-unahan” (66). Notice that I do more “explicitation” or emendation, as well as compensation, to use Lefevere’s terms, to foreground the senses of “benefit” and “contending,” as well as insert the notion of achieving or fulfilling some intent or mission. Viewed from Peircean semiotics, I yoked the logical (legalistic) with the immediate interpretant (enigmatic), eliding the dynamic moment of interpretation which would reconcile contradictions by dialectical mediation. This preference for analogical mirroring or mimicry as a recreative mode of translation has been observed by Prof. De Villa in her comparative appraisal of various translations of Amado Guerrero’s Philippine Society and Revolution, a problematic field of power/knowledge which requires a longer analytic inquiry we reserve for another occasion. Beyond the Lure of Verbalism What are the lessons deducible from the trials and ordeals of the Spieltrieb discourse of translation? Suffice it to mention one, for now. My discovery is that the Filipino lexicon needs to expand its power of abstraction. It is rich in feeling-words, gestures, vocabularies of perception and sensory apprehension (see Maggay’s Pahiwatig). But this sensorium, this organon of cognitive investigation, needs universalizing terms to appeal to a cosmopolitan audience schooled in the language-games of public argumentation from Plato/Aristotle to Kant, Hegel, Peirce, Freud, Russell, Wittgenstein, and so on. The vernacular contains words that are condensed or compressed, e.g., “buti,” that needs spelling out to elaborate its various semantic possibilities when used in diverse frames. The frame enables various scenes (connotations, tropes, expressive nuances) to surface, with the cultural/ideological contexts determining which ones are appropriate in conveying shades of meaning. Again, however, the translator’s paramount objective—to transport the source-text’s original vision, temper, modus of sensibility—serves as the controlling principle of the transfer strategy. The spirit of the original should dictate the final configuration of the product, as Heaney and Gass affirm in re-validating the efficacy of Pound’s practice. As a testimony to what I have suggested above, I confess to fabricating an early specimen of traitorship. One can verify my failure to transliterate or transcode verbatim, but nonetheless generating a nexus of interpretants yielded by the actual process of reading/glossing on the purport of the chain of signifiers. In short, what beliefs or actions are stimulated in the reading process? Here is a famous poem by Pound entitled “The Return” followed by my version: See, they return; ah, see the tentative Movements, and the slow feet, The trouble in the pace and the uncertain Wavering! See, they return, one, and by one, With fear, as half-awakened As if the snow should hesitate And murmur in the wind, and half turn back; These were the “Wing’d-with-Awe,” Inviolable, Gods of the winged show! With them the silver hounds, sniffing the trace of air! Haie! Haie! These were the swift to harry; These the keen-scented; These were the souls of blood. Slow on the leash, pallid the leash-men! (Pound 24) _______________ Ang Pagbabalilk Masdan mo, bumabalik sila; ay, sundan ang nagbabaka-sakaling Paggalaw, at mga paang mabagal, Ang bagabag sa paghakbang at ang walang katiyakang Panginginig! Masdan mo, bumabalik sila, isa, at isa pa, Natatakot, at nangangalumata, Wari bagang nag-aalinlangan ang yelo At bumulong sa hangin, at lumingon Iyan ang mga “May-Bagwis-ng-Sindak,” Di masalang, Bathala ng mga paang may bagwis! Kasiping ng mga asong pilak, inaamoy ang bakas ng hangin! Ay! Ay! Ito ang maliksing umusig Mga matalim na pang-amoy; Mga kaluluwa ng dugo. Malumanay sa buntot-page, maputlang umuusig! (San Juan 133). The biographer Noel Stock considers this poem exemplary for “the poet’s feeling for the weight and duration of words,” illustrating Pound’s belief in “absolute rhythm . . . which corresponds exactly to the emotion or shade of emotion to be expressed” (1964, 89–90). Sensory, feeling-ful cognitive mapping of interpretants is primary. In comparison to the accentual music of English, the Filipino syllabic mode demonstrates the possibility of a different tempo, the staccato rhythm, which evokes approximately the emotion of diffidence, anticipation, surprise. Each language enables a range of illocutionary effects that parallel or resonate with those of other languages, hence fidelity to what the poet wants to accomplish. Semantic Extrapolations When I wrote my 1966 essay “Translation and Philippine Poetics” after the Balagtas experiment, my orientation was primarily empiricist and formalist (following the American school of New Criticism). After my course with I.A. Richards in English poetics at Harvard University which utilized Roman Jakobson’s linguistics, I was fascinated by Jakobson’s schema of language functions, specifically his judgment that “The poetic function projects the principle of equivalence from the axis of selection into the axis of combination” (358). What was missing was the historical or syntagmatic process in which discourse is inflected by the cultural shifts and ideological/political contingencies of addresser and addressee. The reason why the referential function of language, the context (out of the six functions of any communication that Jakobson diagrammed), is often sidelined is due to the stress on the message/the code. Of course, the other functions—the emotive (addresser), conative (addressee), the phatic and metalingual, are operative, in accord with the structuralist paradigmatic/syntagmatic formula (353–57). Jakobson’s hierarchy of functions explains the varying qualities of translation, depending on which other function is allied with or catalyzed by the strictly poetic function. This then accounts for my tendency to conjoin the poetic with the conative or agitational impulse, as evidenced in my manner of translating my poems below. Historical context is the desideratum for grasping what is worthwhile transferring. This is what I highlight when rendering the following three poems in Filipino, with the premise that readers today are familiar with the historical events and sociopolitical conflicts surrounding “Bangkusay,” “Smokey Mountain,” “Mendiola,” etc. “Elehiyang Nabuking Binigkas ng Batang Tubong Blumentritt” itself alludes to Ferdinand Blumentritt, the Austrian scientist and close friend of Rizal. “Bangkusay” designates the Spanish conquistador’s defeat of the Muslim indigenes of Tondo, near Fort Santiago. “Smokey Mountain” connotes ongoing impoverishment of a neocolony ruled by oligarchic violence (killing of Mendiola demonstrators during Cory Aquino’s presidency). The same goes for the second poem, “Lakbay ng Baguntaong Naglagalag,” where the most important reference is the recent event of a fishing boat rammed by the Chinese in the disputed zone of the West Philippine Sea, as well as to allusions of historical events from the Tamil Tigers (the Maoist guerillas) in Sri Lanka to Rizal’s tulisan filibusteros/rebels mounting an attack on Fort Santiago in Intramuros, the famous Walled City, signifying the hoary centuries-long burden of Spanish colonial heritage. Parenthetically, innovative transfers, not just faithful imitations, can create miracles. Consider how the Portuguese singer Dulce Pontes transformed the erotic resonance and ambience of Ennio Moricone’s “Love Song” (from the Italian spaghetti Western film, Once Upon a Time in the West) into “Amor a Portugal,” which has become a Portuguese anthem via the Internet—a dazzling performance witnessed by millions on YouTube. She converted the original text’s imagery of “Your love shines in my heart” into the impersonal “A thousand fires burn without being seen” in Portuguese, evoking the spirit of fado and the generic thematics of longing. Could we do the same with a new version of “Dahil sa Iyo” or “Bayan Ko” via traitorous transmigration? Interpretation Cohabiting with Translation Lest I end with a futile apologia for betrayal, allow me to use my translation of an older poem that captures the sense of estrangement linking various personae, locations, and historic intervals. My translation of “Biyernes nang Hapon sa Oktubre, Willimantic, Connecticut, USA” hopes to earn the trust of those already instructed not to expect fidelity, only assurance of the effort to aspire for being worthy of it. Deploying a mock-surrealist tone in this poem, I attempt to suture the referential and phatic to the conative function of Jakobson’s linguistic chain so that a chain of immediate and dynamic interpretants are generated simultaneously. Meanwhile, the contemplative voice of the speaker reflects on the historical transition from rural-farm town to urban-money economy (neoliberal globalism) in the United States, especially after 11 September 2001, which inaugurated the “Global War on Terrorism.” The speaker observes the cracks in the asphalted road (like wounds) from the town of Willimantic, Connecticut, to the American-Indian-operated Foxboro Casino near New London, a nuclear-submarine base. The pasture-land where Pequot Indians lived long ago have been covered by a bridge with sculpted frogs on each side, reminiscent of the legend in which frog-cries warned colonizing villagers of Indian attacks. Gone are the frogs like cigarette stubs while pigeons fly around, searching for food. Especially on Friday at dusk, folks drive southward to the Foxboro casino to gamble, chance governing future stakes. Here I combined immediate, dynamic, and logical interpretants so as to fix a belief in doubting the propaganda about extremism when the inaugural genocide against native Americans (Pequots) remains stark proof of the lethal irrationality of disastrous neoliberal casino imperialism. Indeed, after 9/11, what’s the future for migrant Filipinos avoiding the lack of employment in “shithole” countries threatened by Abu Sayyaf Muslim extremists? Is Willimantic a refuge for non-white “strangers”? Is the dream of success in milk-and-honey America an illusion behind curtains of decrepit windows in decayed towns? Here, the referential/denotative function blends with the sound symbolism of the Abu Sayyaf, Pequot, Bridge of Frogs, and Foxboro casino, in a climate of fear, doubt, and unpredictability evoked by “sugat na umaantak sa lamat” and “Naupos na sigarilyo’y ibinurol . . .” The last two lines cannot really be conveyed by the English phrases because the efficacy of the words “sumingit” and “sinisilip sa gunita ang kutob at kilabot” depends on recursive sound echoes, while “Abu Sayyaf” and “Amerika” fuse into a menacing brew of hope and aversion. I recommend that readers just listen to the sounds of Filipino after the English prose summary to apprehend the sense/meaning as well as somatic resonance and import of the original poem, as Benjamin suggested. Given the discordant texture of the Filipino text, I am doubtful if the English version can really convey the poignancy of the anger and pain in the source-text. This is only to say that the translator ironically succeeds by urging the reader to learn Filipino, to go back to the original, since the traitor always betrays. The melancholy ordeal of translation—as transubstantiation or sublimation of the source-text—confirms our tragic plight in the Tower of Babel, wondering if silence can be the only viable or feasible alternative. We can afford to be lazy, not translating Don Quixote, because we live in a more violent, quixotic time with nuclear windmills all defying control. But why do we need Google’s translation engine when we are plunged in jouissance, singing the refrain “magkasiping buong gabi” from a popular Rico J. Puno song? SAMPLE SPECIMENS: Three Poems with English Translations by the Author _________________________________________ ELEHIYANG NABUKING BINIGKAS NG BATANG TUBONG BLUMENTRITT Oo, tapos na, ’di na tayo pupunta sa Tondo ng ating kamusmosan— Kung saan sabi mo mahal mo ako, di malilimutan—Tapos na iyon! Di na tayo babalik doon—Oo, sa Bangkusay o Plaza Moriones— Hindi ko na matandaan kung sa Tayuman o Bambang tayo unang nagkita O baka sa tren sa Tutuban o sa loobang sanglaan sa Divisoria . . . Oo, ’di na tayo babalik sa Tondo, doon sa lumundong dulo ng buhay— . . . Hindi ko na nga maalala kung saang liko sa Juan Luna ang daan . . . Oo, tapos na, ngayong gabi nagpasiya kang tapos na ang pagsuyo— Gabing kay lungkot, umaapaw hanggang sa estero ng Binondo Hindi na tayo babalik doon tulad nang nakalipas—Ay, hindi na! Hindi ko na magunita kung saang sulok sa Tondo tayo nagtapo Tapos na, hindi na tayo babalik sa Gagalangin—mundong kaylupit! Kung saan ang sumpang binitiwan ay naligaw sa tulay ng Dimasalang . . . Hindi ko na nga matandaan kung saang liko sa Dapitan lumisan . . . Oo, ’di na tayo babalik sa pook ng lambingang ngayo’y Smokey Mountain . . .
 ’Di ko na nga maalala kung saan kita naiwan, saang lugar babalikan— Kapus-palad na pag-ibig, ay, nasawi sa mundong nagsalabit sa pangako— Ay tapos na, ’di ko na nga matandaan ang daang papunta sa Tondo—
 ’Di ko na magunita ang tipanan sa Quiapo? Sa Mendiola ba o sa Luneta? Oo, tapos na, ’di na tayo babalik sa tinding niyapos, ay, kumilig sa pag-sinta— . . . Dito na lang kayo muna sa Blumentritt pagkagaling sa Culi-Culi, Nakalimutan ko na ang ruta papunta sa sementeryong La Loma— Oo, hindi na tayo babalik, hindi na, tapos na, magpakailanman— Pagkasiyahin ang pira-pirasong pulutang napanis sa gabi ng sumpaan . . . ______________________________________________________________ FOILED ELEGY RECITED BY A BLUMENTRITT NATIVE Yes, it’s over, we’ll not go to the Tondo of our childhood Where you said you loved me, never to be forgotten—That’s finished! We’ll never return to that spot—Yes, Bangkusay or Plaza Moriones— I can’t recall whether it’s Tayuman or Bambang where we first met, Perhaps in a Tutuban train or an indoor pawnshop in Divisoria… Yes, we will not go back to Tondo, there where life’s horizon-line sagged— . . . I can’t remember now which street-turn in Juan Luna marked our path . . . Yes, all over, tonight you decided that our dalliance is ended— A night so wretched, overflowing up to the stinking canal of Binondo . . . We will not go back there as we did before—Aie, no more! I cannot remember at which corner in Tondo we first met, It’s finished, we’ll not retreat to Gagalangin—a world utterly ruthless! Where our promises, disavowed, got lost on the bridge in Dimasalang . . . Indeed, I cannot remember which street-corner in Dapitan I fled from . . . Yes, we will not withdraw to the place of caressing, now Smokey Mountain . . . I can’t recall now where exactly I left you, where I should retrieve you— Curse-stricken love, Aie, victimized in a world bewildered by promises— Aie, it’s done, I can’t remember the streets leading to Tondo— I can’t find in memory our trysting spot in Quiapo? Or Mendiola or Luneta? Yes, it’s finished, we’ll not go back to the pain we embraced, amorous shudder— Let’s stay here, linger in Blumentritt after visiting Culi-Culi, Anyway I have forgotten the route debouching to the La Loma cemetery— Yes, we will not go back, no more, it’s over, forever and ever— Let the fragments of this appetizer suffice, spoiled in the night of avowals and disavowals . . . ___________________________________________ LAKBAY NG BAGUNTAONG NAGLAGALAG Pumalaot na, walang tiyak na daungan o dalampasigan— Kung saan ko naisip makarating, wala ako roon, humantong man . . . Sandaling sumungaw sa butas ng aking himlayan, bulalakaw! Nakabalik ka rin mula sa Taormina, sintang balikbayan, Tumupad sa pangakong magbabalik kung kinakailangan “Kusang binangga kami ng Intsik, di kami tinulungan— Umikot muna upang tiyaking lumubog na, tapos tumakbo!” Batid mong ngayon ay inaanod, napapadpad sa kinabukasan Kaya hindi ka na tumigil sa Thessaloniki, naibsan ang pighati— Sabi ng pilosopo, ang gumugulong ay di hihinto hanggang di pinipigil . . . Umiiwas ka sa unos o sigwa, di mo akalaing babanggain ka . . . “Oo, umikot sila, nilente kami, nang matantong lubog na, Dagling sumibat, tumakbong palayo! Walang awang mga hayup!” [Testimonyo ng kapitan ng GEM VIRI, 06/14/2019] Nakabalik na mula sa Colombo, Sri Lanka, taglay sa pusong nawindang Ang memorabilya ng Tigreng Tamil, mandirigmang nakaligtas . . . Kung hindi ikaw, sino ang sasagip sa nasawing manlalayag? Umiwas ka sa lagim ng sakuna, sa tukso ng Mutya ng Bali, Kundi ngayon, kailan pa? Saan isusugod ang katawang naipit? Binangga kaming pumalaot, lumayag, tinawid ang panahong masungit . . . Binangga nga—Gulat, nasindak, daigdig mo’y abot lamang sa hiyaw Ng saklolo sa dalampasigan ng Davao, Jolo, o Zamboanga— Buti’t di ka napikot ng aswang sa Siquijor o tokhang sa Mindoro— Binangga ka ng maamo’t mailap na buwitre ng imperyong sumasakop— Di na kailangang humibik, ngitngit ng himagsik sa kapalarang nasapit— Bakit nga ba tumawid ang hayop sa kabilang ibayo? Tanaw mo na sa pinto ng San Agustin ang kumakaway na bisig— Sa Balwarte ng San Diego naglalamay armadong kaluluwang lagalag . . . __________________________________________________________ JOURNEY OF THE YOUNG MAN WHO WANDERED [From the Philippine Customs Declaration Form No.117, Item #7 prohibited: “Materials advocating or inciting treason, rebellion, insurrection, sedition against the government of the Philippines”] Shipped out, no definite pier to reach or shoreline— Where I thought of arriving, I am not there, even if the drift compels the traveler . . . For an instant, through a hole in my sleeping quarter, flashed a shooting star! So you’ve returned from Taormina, beloved expatriate, Fulfilling the promise that you’ll come back if needed— “We were rammed by the Chinese, they didn’t help us— They circled first to make sure we’ve sunk, then scrammed!” You know now you’re being carried away, floating toward tomorrow So, therefore, you did not tarry at Thessaloniki, with grief subsiding— The philosopher taught: what is rolling will not stop until it is impeded . . . You were trying to elude squalls or storms, you didn’t suspect they will strike . . . “Yes, they turned around, spotlighted us, when sure we were sunk, Swiftly they fled, sped away! Beasts devoid of pity or mercy!” [Testimony of the captain of the fishing boat GEM VIRI, 4/14/2019] You’ve returned from Colombo, Sri Lanka, bearing in your bruised heart Memorabilia from the Tamil Tigers, guerilla warriors who survived . . . If not you, who else will save the disaster-stricken voyagers? You evaded the misery of accident, seduced by the Muse of Bali, If not now, when? What will the wrecked body assault? We were rammed, far out in the ocean, defying the miserable weather . . . They hit us—Shocked, panicked, your world touched only by the shout Of succor at the shores of Davao, Jolo, or Zamboanga— Lucky you were not tempted by the Siquijor witch or police-killers in Mindoro— You were rammed by gentle but sneaking vultures of the colonizing empire— No need to cry out for help, rebellious anger at the fortune encountered— Why indeed did the animal cross the road to the other side? You can glimpse from the door of St Agustin’s church those arms waving— At the San Diego rampart, in nightlong vigil, armed souls wandering . . . __________________________________________________________ Biyernes ng Hapon sa Oktubre, WILLIMANTIC, CONNECTICUT, USA Sa hapong tag-lagas may sugat na umaantak Sa lamat ng mga kalsadang aspalto sa lungsod na dating pastulan ng mga katutubong Indyang Pequot. Anong kabulaanan ang itinatago ng mga kortina sa durungawan? Hindi alam ng mga kalapati kung ano ang kulay ng pag-asa. Naupos na sigarilyo’y ibinurol ko sa tabi ng Tulay ng mga Palaka Habang patungo ang prusisyon ng trapik sa Foxboro Casino na pag-aari ng Indyang Pequot. Kung bakit sumingit sa isip ang Abu Sayyaf? Sa takipsilim ng taglagas sinisilip sa gunita ang kutob at kilabot bago tayo naglakbay patungong Amerika. (Oktubre 1, 2005, Willimantic, Connecticut, USA) ____________________________________ Friday Afternoon in October, willimantic, connecticut, usa In the autumn afternoon a wound festers in the crack of the asphalt roads in the city once a pasture field for the native Pequot Indians. What fraud and deceptions do the window-curtains hide? Doves and pigeons do not know the color of hope. My cigarette stub I interred beside the Bridge of Frogs while the traffic procession headed for the Foxboro Casino now owned by the Pequots. But why does the Abu Sayyaf sneak into the mind? In the Fall’s twilight hour I sneak into memory’s fissure, a voyeur filled with apprehension and terror before we journeyed to America. Works Cited Ames, Roger T., and David Hall. Daodejing: Making Life Significant—A Philosophical Translation. Ballantine, 2003. Arboleda, Pia, translator. Barkada ng Lima/Gang of Five. By Ninotchka Rosca, Villarirca P, 2015. 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 About the Author E. San Juan, Jr. is emeritus professor of English and Comparative Literature at the University of Connecticut and Comparative American Cultures at Washington State University. He was recently visiting professor in the Department of English of University of the Philippines Diliman and Cultural Studies professor at the Polytechnic University of the Philippines. His recent books include Faustino Aguilar: Kapangyarihan, Kamalayan, Kasaysayan, Metakomentaryo sa mga nobela ni Faustino Aguilar (University of Santo Tomas Publishing House, 2020); Carlos Bulosan—Revolutionary Filipino Writer in the United States: A Critical Appraisal (Peter Lang, 2017); In the Wake of Terror: Class, Race, Nation, Ethnicity in the Postmodern World (Lexington Press, 2007), and Sisa’s Vengeance: Jose Rizal’s Sexual Politics and Cultural Revolution (Vibal Publishing, 2021).

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