Saturday, October 11, 2008

CHARLES SANDERS PEIRCE & MAXINE HONG KINGSTON'S THE FIFTH BOOK OF PEACE


PEIRCE’S SEMIOTICS AND MAXINE HONG KINGSTON’S THE FIFTH BOOK OF PEACE

by E. San Juan, Jr.



Despite the war on terrorism and the drive for a globalized free market, it seems that we are still afflicted by logocentrism and essentializing metanarratives. Decades of inoculation by deconstructive serums have failed to immunize us from lusting for truth (correspondence of intellect and thing), correctness, or origin far removed “from free play and from the order of the sign” (to quote from Derrida’s 1996 inaugural lecture on “Structure, Sign and Play in the Discourse of the Human Sciences”). The order of the sign instructs us, following Saussure’s dicta, that the relation between the signifier (word), its referent (thing or idea) and its signified (meaning) is arbitrary. Not in the sense that words mean just anything you decide it means. There is no natural resemblance between sound-image, referent, and idea; the link between signifier and signified is based on alterable social convention. Saussure taught us that the value of a sign results from its difference to all the other signs in the language. Such differential relations are privileged in the spacing and ambiguity of writing in contrast to speech and its single, self-identical intention.
Now there is general agreement that “free play” does not sanction anarchy or “anything goes,” although Derrida’s invocation of Nietzsche tends to inspire the abolition of boundaries and rules. What is often stressed is that reading, re-presenting, depends on the historical and social contexts in which language is used. However, such contexts are always changeable and changing. Derrida contends that “There is no meaning outside of context, but no context permits saturation.” Which leaves us with a quandary. Derrida assumes that there is an infinite number of contexts for any utterance; this iterability of discourse is possible because the code underlying convention is slippery or unknown, hence meaning is undecidable. Since contexts are multiple, heterogenous and fluid, we cannot fix on a single guaranteed meaning for any text; all such attempts to make sense presuppose an act of interpretation, an operation of construal—in short, ceaseless acts of signification. The signifying chain never ends.
From another angle, Paul de Man inflects this undecidability by his theory of criticism as decentered reading. He argues that any text generates an aporia from the conflict between its decodable rule-oriented grammar and its rhetorical potential that “suspends logic and opens up vertiginous possibilities of referential aberration.” Saussure is of course not the “culprit” responsible for legitimizing modes of misreading or misprision as heuristic techniques of exegesis. Even when one begins to focus on Saussure’s linguistics, or its distortion, as the single source for authorizing free-floating interpretations, one is immediately disabused.
Jonathan Culler, deconstructionist par excellence, has named Peirce as an accomplice in the oscillation, slippage or drift of signifiers and signifieds:

There are no final meanings that arrest the movement of signification. Peirce makes this structure of deferral and referral an aspect of his definition: a sign is “anything which determines something else (its interpretant) to refer to an object to which itself [sic] refers (its object) in the same way, the interpretant becoming in turn a sign, and so on ad infinitum.... If the series of successive interpretants comes to an end, the sign is thereby rendered imperfect, at least.”

Culler tellingly omits Peirce’s qualification before the last sentence in the quote: “No doubt, intelligent consciousness must enter into the series.” And, more important, such consciousness is integrated into communities of inquiry. In Of Grammatology, Derrida enlists Peirce in support of his scheme of destroying the “transcendental signified,” and with it, ontotheology and the metaphysics of presence, on account of Peirce’s view that the represented is “always already” a representamen, a palimpsest or fabric of traces.”

II.

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce (1839-1914) formulated a theory of signs that ingeniously resolved the old Cartesian dualism of subject and object. Consonant with developments in phenomenology and dialectical hermeneutics, Peirce’s logic helped clear up the traditional disputes concerning indeterminacy, intention, reference, agency, interpretive validity, etc.
For this occasion, I can only offer a bare sketch of Pierce’s theory of semiotics as an explanation for the production of meanings.
For Peirce, the sign or representamen is “something which stands to somebody for something in some respect or capacity.” The representamen provides the occasion or ground for connecting object and sign. It does so by addressing somebody, that is, creates in the mind of someone an equivalent sign, or perhaps a more developed sign” which is called the interpretant or the effect that the sign produces (more precisely, a moment in the evolving consensus of a community of interpreters): “The triadic relation is genuine, that is, its three members are bound together by it in a way that does not consist in any complexus of dyadic relations. That is the reason the Interpretant, or Third, cannot stand in a mere dyadic relation to the Object, but must stand in such a relation to it as the Representamen itself does.” In other words, the interpretant determines how the sign represents the object and can be regarded as the meaning of the sign. Eventually the sequence of interpretants glossing other interpretants leads (via the emotional and energetic) to an “ultimate logical interpretant,” which is equivalent to “a change of habit of conduct.” In effect, the intervention of the interpretant makes impossible what postmodernist critics call the reified binary closure of signifier/signified, a syndrome resolved in favor of the postmodernist fetishizing “differance” and “dissemination.”
From the viewpoint of Peirce’s semiotic realism, the world can be more or less satisfactorily represented by thought-signs and sign-events, grasped as bodily feelings and actions. Thinking is a kind of action in historical society. Making meaning in thought and practice can not then be an absolutely free process unconstrained by the determinants that govern daily human activity. Consequently, Peirce’s concept of semiosis is not the unwarranted extravaganza posited by Derrida and Culler because there is in it a continual reference to the object of the representamen/signifier existing in a world outside consciousness, a world manifested in the phenomena of experience accessible only through signs. This referent is not a fixed static entity but a dynamic object, “an ever-developing cumulative definition of it, to be distinguished from the immediate object conjured up in any individual signification.” Further, the exigencies of practical life, as well as the criteria of logical economy and “concrete reasonableness” circumscribe the actualization of interminable sign-making.

III.

Peirce’s semiotics is thus a crucial rectification of Saussure’s semantics of differential values. Peirce’s fundamental categories of understanding underlie the triad of semiosic process as the production of meaning. The following is a rough summation: Firstness involves the apprehension of quality, feeling, possibility (the icon is an instance of quality or possibility to which the sign points). Secondness involves an individual item discerned by its resistance to and interaction with an environment, embodying or exemplifying a possibility as actually existent. It points to an existential relation into which the instance enters. Thirdness involves general terms, laws, habits, a determinate knowledge of regularity or principle. In the process of translating Firstness (apprehension of qualities) into Secondness (indexical), an interpretant emerges: the symbol, Thirdness, connects quality and existential relations in terms of ground. In effect, the perception is interpreted or translated into other signs, with meaning produced in a continuous process determined by the community of inquirers.
Applying that triad of categories, signs or representations are divided into icon, index and symbol. Icon is a sign based on resemblance to its object, possessing some character contained in or expressed by an instance of the icon. Index is a sign based on correspondence to fact, some existential relation into which the instance enters. Symbol is a sign of generality which is connected not only to the ground and object but also to the interpretant. Symbol as a sign function assumes both quality (in reference to a ground) and the existential relations of a particular object or situation; symbol is also specific in referring to an interpretant, a cognitive moment, determined by Firstness and Secondness but not limited to either. Meaning derives from representations that involve the triadic categories, not any binary relation between signifier and signified.
Now, from the perspective of Peirce’s semiotics, every art-object is an icon (Firstness) whose aesthetic value resides in the articulation of its intrinsic qualities. The interpretant of the art/icon is a feeling or complex of emotions, the subjective correlative of the objective properties embodied in the art-work. Literary art is a representamen/sign of possibility experienced as Rhematic Symbol. A novel, poem or story presents us with signs of immediate consciousness, feelings, qualities, rhemes, in instants of time, as we read without sustained reflection or analysis. While the interpretants of an art-object are signs of ontological Firstness (Rheme), detached phenomenal elements which are merely potential, this aesthetic experience becomes an object of reflection and the logic of inference (hypothesis, deduction, induction). The interpretant (Rheme) becomes a new representamen that determines a new interpretant (another Rheme, Proposition or Argument). So the reader undergoes the experience of immediate consciousness in the first moment, then transforms this sign-process into a new sign, and so on. Given the dynamic nature of signs constituting a literary text, the text as we read will continue to generate a series of interpretants within specific parameters, frames of intelligibility, that apply the pragmaticist maxim: a method for defining concepts and ideas as the totality of their effects with conceivable “practical bearings.”
In reading a literary text, we move from Rheme (Firstness) to Dicent Sign (Secondness) and Argument (Thirdness). We can reason and argue on the basis of interpretants that translate the rhematic symbol, even though, following Peirce’s doctrine of fallibilism, we cannot arrive at “absolute certainty concerning questions of fact.’ While there are no rules or objective standards to determine the grounds for choosing interpretants, the practice of reading/interpretation is not wholly subjective, relativist or nominalist. Why we choose a certain framework, paradigm or language-game can be explained by prior choices and commitments that can be rationally examined and evaluated. Questioning and analysis, at some point, must come to an end for us to act on certain beliefs “and begin from there as rational human beings.” Art is then not just a set of formal properties divorced from everyday life; artistic experience is broader than what we find in conventional thought, an experience whose mediated apprehension (through icon, index and symbol) is facilitated by logic of critical inquiry and the normative disciplines of aesthetics and ethics.

IV.

Peirce’s semiotics may be used as a speculative instrument of cognition for exploring the complex nature of representation and its role in knowledge- and meaning-production. Its value may be demonstrated in the analysis of propositions (iinterpretants) with certain truth-claims. From this perspective, how do we read a singular text like Maxine Hong Kingston’s The Fifth Book of Peace? We might begin from one interpretant of this work, the publisher’s summary, already an interested or motivated representamen connecting the art work, a rhematic symbol (composed of signs of immediate qualities, rhemes) with its “subject” in terms of a ground we can easily discern:

The Fifth Book of Peace opens as Maxine Hong Kingston, driving home from her father’s funeral in the early 1990s, discovers that her neighborhood in the Oakland-Berkeley hills is engulfed in flames. Her home burns to the ground, and with it, all her earthly possessions, including her novel-in-progress. Kingston, who at the time was deeply disturbed by the Persian Gulf War, decides that she must understand her own loss of all she possessed as a kind of shadow-experience of war; a lesson about what it would be like to experience up close its utter devastation. Thus she embarks on a mission to re-create her novel from scratch, to rebuild her life, and to reach out to veterans of war and share with them her views as a lover of peace.
In the middle section of this remarkable book, Kingston reconstructs for us her lost novel, the lush and compelling story of the Chinese-American Wittman Ah Sing and his wife, Tana—California artists who flee to Hawaii to evade the draft during the Vietnam War. Wittman and Tana help to create an official Sanctuary for deserters and GIs who’ve returned devastated by their experiences in Vietnam—not unlike, as it turns out, the metaphorical sanctuary Maxine creates, back in her real world, by inviting war veterans to participate in writing workshops. As the vets share their stories, she teaches them both the value of writing—the accurate transcription of what is in the heart—and the value of community.
Paradoxically, the stories of war and its terrors become for her and the vets a literature of peace—words that enable them to achieve peace, at least within themselves. Moving among the vets with her Buddhist-inflected wisdom and at times humorous self-doubts, weaving their stories together with her own struggle to reorient herself after the fire, Maxine Hong Kingston is at times a kind of sprite, an almost weightless spirit, who guides others toward a better place, and at times a challenging teacher, who will not let us turn from the spetacle of a world so often at war.

This passage is composed of propositions, thought-signs, designed to unify the massive structure of words and sentences constituting Kingston’s text. Connecting the art-object (made up of feelings and statements of events, etc.) with signs purporting to be what the work is about, this interpretant arises from the ground of portraying a sagacious but sensitive artist whose plight can offer an exemplary consolation to many readers in search of relief in a time of war and social unrest. Obviously the publishers want to sell another product by an artist familiar to many whose earlier works, Woman Warrior and China Men, brought pleasure and some comfort especially to immigrants and inferiorized ethnics.
The publisher’s argument is composed of symbols expressing habits of associative regularity, convention, law. It interprets the diverse materials—rhemes, dicent signs, icons and indices—from the viewpoint of a conception of the artist as a verbal alchemist who tries to meld heterogeneous impressions and events, converting loss into an occasion for creation and rebuilding. Rhetorically, it invents an index, an existential connection between two existents, in the figure of the sprite or “almost weightless spirit” who can magically re-create what was destroyed and also empathize with victims of war and alienation. In addition, an icon or figure of similarity is invoked when the author’s suffering is described as “shadow-experience” of real war. Finally, the fiction she re-creates out of qualisigns and sinsigns becomes a legisign: we witness the formation of a community of writers, a sanctuary founded on sharing acts of sign-production. Mediated by Buddhist rituals and the camaraderie of exchanging talk-stories, Kingston fulfills her mission of personal recovery while aspiring to realize her vocation as “a challenging teacher” committed to critical realism and the responsibility of mobilizing her readers for social transformation.
In the triadic interaction of icon, index and symbol, this particular reading suggests a frame of intelligibility premised on grasping meanings as the product of a community of inquirers who use signs for diverse social purposes. This is the semiotic frame for learning and cognition, as Peirce suggests: “The very origin of the conception of reality shows that this conception essentially involves the notion of a community, without definite limits, and capable of an increase in knowledge.” Meaning generated from triadic signs testifies not only to the social principle in thinking (logic) but to the continuity of the universe (Peirce’s “synechism). Kingston’s text becomes a kind of allegory for the communal production of meaning carried out through experimenting with the pragmatic maxim as a methodological presupposition condensed in Pierce’s aphorism: “The final upshot of thinking is the exercise of volition.”

V.

This understanding of Kingston’s work is premised on the ground of a definite conception of the function of the artist as a moral guide and pleasure-giving performer (the Horation axiom of dulce et utile). Driven by a belief in the priority of mimetic realism, Polly Schulman’s review in The New York Times raises two objections: first, Kingston fails to integrate the sections of her book, a departure from her earlier work when she mixed fiction and memory; and second, Kingston’s “utopianism” forces her to describe an “incredible paradise of peace” in chapter 3, where Wittman Ah Sing’s vocation of observing life leads him to speculate that “Mind creates what’s out there…See the world peaceful and the war will end.” Shulman certainly differs in precisely choosing a ground to connect the representamen of the book and their objects with an interpretant that cannot accept a medley of different techniques and styles.
On one hand, we confront here a specimen of what Pierce calls the “emotional” interpretant which reacts to qualisigns or immediate apprehensions without critical distance. Through this level, however, Shulman moves to the level of the “energetic” interpretant, which Peirce describes as one displaying mental effort, “an exertion upon the Inner World.”This interpretant springs from a tension or conflict arising from the habit of valuing Kingston’s early performances—those “sadder, fiercer, deeper stories she used to tell so bravely”—over what she construes as the “unreal utopianism” of happy endings (not factually correct) and “optimism that feels forced.”
What is clearly evident here is a shifting of ground and a recasting of argument: Shulman assumes that Kingston is driven to “sanitize and happify” because she could not face any more pain. No convincing proof is adduced to support this contention. This hypothesis, it seems to me, is based on a highly selective focus on quotations that highlight moments of reconciliation, reunion, and festive solidarity interspersed in scenes of violence, futility, and anguish. It does not do full justice to the recognition of problems, conflicts and tensions (such as those among the writing veterans or the Sanctuary participants) that thwart any facile utopian escapism. Shulman upholds the first chapter as the iconic model that the author failed to emulate, for it is “the most intimate and moving section [where] she allows subtle and conflicting feelings to wash through her onto the page.”
Numerous other occasions replicate that moment, but this is not noticed, hence the judgment that this book is “a strange, scarred thing, pieced from fragments, smelling of smoke and anguish. Its power lies in its pain….” The rheme and qualisigns found in the first chapter, the realm of qualitative possibility (through which we can access the knowable reality) are translated first into iconic objects (“scarred thing”) of similarity,which then becomes an index of actualities and existents (dicisigns), finally emerging into legisign or law. Shulman’s interpretant remains at the energetic level, cognizant of disparity and contradiction, unable to evolve into what Peirce calls the final logical interpretant: “The deliberately formed, self-analyzing habit,” a “form of experimentation in the inner world.”

Meanwhile, a reviewer for In These Times takes a wholly eulogistic view of Kingston’s variegated discourse. Gary Gach starts with a reconstructive response to the diverse materials and styles which, like war and peace, cannot be separated so easily: “Fittingly then, the book defies categorization, combining memoir, fiction and journalism, with each clearly delineated. The net effect calls into question not only division of genres but the very concept of separation.” Here the ground that connects the rhematic symbol and the object (the events and characters rendered in the narrative) is the belief that things change and the interaction of events and experiences lead to “a grander cumulative design.” The interpretant combines the emotional and energetic levels of response as it seizes on the event that presaged the release of the book: “In February 2003, massive spontaneous demonstrations broke out across the planet, preemptively decrying the war in Iraq as an interruption of peace. Unprecedented.” In effect, historical events confirm the habit or disposition of opposing what is to what can be changed—this logical interpretant predicates a relation of antecedent-consequence between the sign (text) and its object (memoir of self-transformation).
This interpretation then understands the structure of the book as a carefully planned transition from themes emblematized by the various elements of “Fire,” “Paper,” “Water” and “Earth.” The section on “Water” conduces to the creation of a community of resistance which is sustained in the writing workshop for veterans. Choosing the ground of conceiving the book as a prophetic symbol of a better future arising from the painful past, this reader highlights the “liberation of Kingston from the customary isolation of writing” by way of the spiritual community practices of Buddhism led by the exiled master Thich Nhat Hanh. The stress on change, on imagining something not present or recognizing something not yet manifest, allows Gach to concentrate on the sequence of selected scenes and episodes, construing them as indices to the argument concerning the function of writing in a community mediated through Buddhist principles: “T5BP shows how war trauma can be healed in a community by making it conscious (through words), and by becoming conscious of being conscious (through meditation). And by seeing our common humanity, in our shared capacity for peace, love and understanding.”
Peirce’s concepts of truth and reality are all future-oriented, the end result of pursuing the logic of inquiry to wherever it will lead. However, we can all agree on a plausible if not valid reading of Kingston by grasping her characteristic sign-usage—that is, the chosen ground or frame of intelligibility. The triadic sign and meaning are indivisible: every sign embodies the relation of its representamen to its object and interpretant according to some ground or language game. I propose locating the distinctive dynamics of sign-usage that makes Kingston’s book unique in these two passages, the first from the section on “Paper”:

At kingdoms’ rise and fall, the new king would cut out the historians’ tongues. Writers had to set fire to their own books, and be burned to death in the book fire. Historians whose tongue stumps were cauterized lived on. They made dumb gestures that could not express subtle, complex ideas, such as descriptions of the way the world has never been but might be.

And here is the second passage from the “Epilogue”:

The images of peace are ephemeral. The language of peace is subtle. The reasons for peace, the definitions of peace, the very idea of peace have to be invented, and invented again.
Children, everybody, here’s what to do during war: In a time of destruction, create something. A poem. A parade. A community. A school. A vow. A moral principle. One peaceful moment.

Peirce argued that meaning-production springs from the relation of a sign to its object “in respect to a Quality in such a way as to bring a Third Thing, its Interpretant, into relation with the same object. To generate meaning, there are four requirements three of which involve Peirce’s categories: the sign, like everything else, has some form or ground of intelligiblity (Firstness); the sign stands in relation to something (Secondness); and the sign is comprehended or translated by something else (Thirdness). A fourth requirement is stipulated by Peirce: “The whole purpose of a sign is that it should be interpreted in another sign and its whole purpose lies in the special character which it imparts to its interpretant. When a sign determines an interpretant of itself in another sign, it produces an effect external to itself.” Given the dynamic relation between the three constituents of the sign (representamen, object, interpretant), the sign’s power resides in its efficacy to represent something to a collectivity of inquirers, thus establishing a frame of meaningfulness.
The various representamens here offer a variety of possibilities, but the question is how they are translated in other signs based on what chosen ground, linkages, connections. We can foreground the burning of historians and their books; the cutting of their tongues to prevent them from articulating complex ideas of alternative worlds. Can these signifiers simply be translated into a signified like “State power suppresses truth by killing the recorders, and even if some survive, they are so mutilated that they cannot envision a world different from their own.” The tone and syntax of Kingston’s sentences convey facts with resignation, exemplifying one approach to the existing order. This dyadic pair, “signifier/signified,” does not take account of who is connecting sign and object, the interpretant; the interpretant is not the signified but the entire process of signification, the experience of intelligibility that unifies communicating speakers/sign-users and produces comprehension.
The interpretant we seek goes beyond the Immediate Interpretation (which Peirce calls an abstraction or a possibility) to the Dynamical Interpretant, the single actual event of making sense which differs for every occasion, and eventually to the Final Interpretant to which all interpretations converge “if the Sign is sufficiently considered.” Let us assume here that Kingston is not interested simply in summarizing in a nominalistic or positivist manner what happened—the thrust of the first passage, although a large part of the book is an attempt to witness, transcribe or report what happened (the historical burden of a memoir).
The concluding passage then gives a clue to the nature of the Final Interpretant if we read it as an argument that peace, the desired and obsessive topic/theme of Kingston’s discourse, is something fashioned, the fruit of repeated acts of invention, an ephemeral and subtle object that can only be represented by an imperative sign consisting of icons and indices: poem, parade, community, school, vow, moral principle—equivalents of “one peaceful moment.” Understood in this way, Kingston’s book as argument produced by diverse modalities of representation in order to fix a belief. It embodies a semiosic process outlined by Peirce, one (to quote Leroy Searle) “always concerned with and embedded in a real historical context, aware of consequences, without becoming systematically entangled in linguistic issues that are always indeterminate when considered apart from pragmatics."
In the final analysis, interpretations vary. And their legitimacy, plausibility, or validity depend on what beliefs they lead us to and how effectively this goal of persuasion is reached. Given such beliefs fixed by a certain interpretation, what ensemble of acts and practices do they instigate, arouse, or solicit? I think that is the next step in pursuing Peirce’s logic of inquiry.

VI.

Applied to literary interpretation, Peirce’s semiotic proceeds by a logic of hypothesis, testing by induction, and its implication in belief-formation. The search for meaning is a matter of formulating a synthetic inference, by abduction, in real-life situations. What do we think of the consequences or effects of choosing a certain ground linking signs and their objects, pressured by our needs and desires? While multiple circumstances and desires influence groups of readers/interpreters, the mode of rational inquiry implies a normative ethics and aesthetics regulated and validated by modes of logical inference. Belief arises from the process of inquiry and experiment that should be pursued freely without the threat of heresy from the gatekeepers of orthodoxy—since beliefs are always tested and proved/disproved, as a commitment to a “concretely reasonable” world.
Obviously I am not proposing here a return to the formalist view of an autonomous text relying on authorial intention, as some neopragmatists advocate. Nor do we envisage a recuperation of the legible/readable text based on the traditional hermeneutic circle suffused with multiple if contradictory significations. Relative to our collective purposes and desires, the relevant contexts for understanding this art-work can be enlarged and offered for discussion. The final interpretant—in Peirce’s epistemology, “the effect the Sign would produce upon any mind upon which circumstances [history, artistic techniques, biography, and other contextual information] should permit it to work out its full effect”—would deploy such information provided by historical accounts as elements of the hermeneutic horizon of expectations to help us appraise the cogency of all the “possibles” rendered in the narrative.
We can indeed anticipate a range of possible interpretants that we can speculate on for any particular scene, or for any other pivotal episode, in Kingston’s narrative as a sequence of representamens, and for the text as a whole. As I have argued, however, that range can not be infinite nor arbitrary since the over-all principle of “concrete reasonableness” (the logic of abduction) imposes a provisional end to this phase of the inquiry. The knowable reality which the art of Kingston’s “fiction” strives to represent is not an indeterminable, mysterious “something”; to the extent that the representation exhibits the “power to live down all opposition,” the interpretant can grasp the “true character of the object... The very entelechy of being lies in being representable,” Peirce insists, mediated through the community of inquirers.
I have already remarked that for Peirce thoughts are not immediately perceived in a soul, mind or self; thought—the Cartesian cogito--is a relation of signs possessing material properties, as brain process. The “I” itself is a sign entailing the triadic constituents of signification. However, the universe cannot be reduced to simple mechanical forces (Secondness) derived from sheer thisness (Firstness), a pattern of action and reaction. Knowledge of the universe and varying degrees of self-control spring from Thirdness (mediation; law), the intelligence found in semiosis, in the production of meaning: the representation of one object to a second by a third. Intelligence then is not immediate spontaneous knowledge of ideas in the mind or soul, nor a dyadic relation between objects. It is an interpretive relation, the result of arriving at the “right method of thinking, of transforming signs.” In Peirce’s semiotic inquiry, ideas are not immediately known or intuitively grasped; their meanings can be discovered by a process of inference, a sequence of translation and transcoding. The thoughts (interpretants) we have spring from the triadic relation of determining the ground connecting signs to their objects and objects to the interpretant. Since we have to make decisions and act in real situations, the cognition of meaning is not infinitely deferred but is conceived as a continuous process of inference or reasoning in communities of inquiry.
Peirce insisted on the reality of universals and of all relations, specifically the relation of representation. We are far removed here from postmodernist epistemological skepticism and relativism and the subject-object antinomies of Cartesian thought. Unlike the ideas perceived introspectively in Descartes’ mind, whose meaning is intuited or immediately known, the meaning of a thought-sign, although a thought is not self-evident and cannot be reduced to sense-data (positivism) or to the norms of ordinary language (Wittgenstein). We have to interpret the sign by subsequent thought-signs and practices to know what it means.
Peirce opposed nominalism as the view that consciousness (percepts) is not the real thing but only the sign of the thing. Peirce held to the view that “Reals are signs” and knowledge can be acquired from an understanding of the triadic process of representation. In general, deconstruction and post-structuralist theory generally subscribe to a nominalism that questions objective reality, general laws. Nominalists reduce modes of reality to individual entities, disintegrating phenomena into dyadic relations artificially fashioned by subjective will or textual fiat. This in turn obscures the dependence of thought on diverse forms of representation which condition the truth-claims of propositions. Unlike postmodern nominalism, Peirce’s approach allows the study of society, culture and history to become an objective science not in the narrow mechanistic or narrowly empiricist sense but in a genuinely dialectical mode where human rational agency participates in the discovery of truth in historically specific situations. Dialectical also because thought or intelligence demonstrates its real creative force not in absolute “free play,” in undecidable self-fashioning divorced from history and nature, but within the constraints of the real world in which we live (the universe of Thirdness) and the reciprocally interactive logic of necessity and chance.

VII.

Peirce’s semiotics is indeed a theory not of language but of the production of meaning in the triadic interaction of sign, object and interpretant. While the meaning of a sign is “altogether virtual,” the fully articulated meaning inheres in the habits of interpretation, the capacities and dispositions these habits are calculated to produce; such habits are assessed in terms of whether it leads to the “entire general intended interpretant” which, for Pierce, gives “command of a whole range of a sign’s possible interpretations,” resulting from the use of a more adequate and systematized body of information. Semiosis is thus rendered concretely determinate by the goal of “concrete reasonableness” involving the logically controlled use of signs in purposive thinking, with relevance to real problems of adaptation and adjustment of humans to their sociohistorical environment.
For Peirce, the terminal goal of semiosis is the emergence of “concrete reasonableness” and its embodiment in a community of inquirers open to the impact of experience, the intractable factuality of an objective world, the historicity of life, and the influence of traditions. This follows from Peirce’s insight that the ultimate foundation of meaning is not found in arbitrary conventions but in the rectifiable process of interpretation. Such process leads to the shaping of general habits and the correction and improvement of traditions based on a systematic, rigorous critique of common-sense assumptions, ideologies and received conventions.
Knowledge and reality, “cognizability” and being, are synonymous terms for Pierce. His critique of meaning ultimately directs us to fix our attention on the habits of thinking and action precipitated by our cultural practices, effects with practical bearings in everyday life. Perceptions and habits of inference (as in the experimental testing of hypothetical postulates) always take place within the domain of semiotic representation. Aesthetics, for Peirce, is nothing else but “the theory of the deliberate formation of such habits of feeling (i.e., of the ideal)” which he also called “the play of Musement” after Schiller’s Spieltrieb.
Reading The Fifth Book of Peace and analyzing the repertoire of interpretants of each section or episode of the book may be said to constitute those significant practices that challenge not only our hermeneutic skills and capabilities of construing perceptions and translating perceptual judgments; they also elicit signs of whether we, and others in the collaborative enterprise, embody what Peirce calls “an intelligence capable of learning by experience.” James Hoopes adds this lesson: “Peirce’s semiotic therefore allows for realistic recognition that human life and society are to a significant degree a matter not only of freedom but also of constraint, a matter of people being shoved this way or that by bullets and ballots, a surplus or shortage of land, the rise and fall of technologies and industries, and so on.
On the other hand, Peirce’s monism and semiotic realism allow for some freedom or, rather, a role for thought. By explaining how thought is action, Peirce’s semiotic makes it possible to understand why thinking, language, and culture are real historical forces” (1991, 12). Again, here, the goal of “concrete reasonableness” compels the thinker to judge not individual thoughts but habits of argument, habits of forming intelligible and appropriate responses to signs, bearing in mind that what enables the intelligibility or meaningfulness of signs are the consequences, effects, and future experiences that they produce. Peirce’s pragmaticist maxim underscores the nature of learning as the semiotic inquiry into the formation of beliefs leading to rules of action and habits: “…the entire intellectual purport of any symbol consists in the total of all general modes of rational conduct that, conditionally upon all the possible different circumstances and desires, would ensue upon the acceptance of the symbol.” --###

Sunday, October 05, 2008

THE RECALCITRANT "SERVANT" OF GLOBALIZATION: FILIPINA MIGRANT WORKERS


“SERVANTS” RESISTING GLOBALIZATION: Agency and Representation in Filipina Migrant Women’s Narratives


By E. SAN JUAN, JR.


Scarcely have we emerged from the Angelo de la Cruz kidnapping crisis last year when two cases just hit the headlines, pressuring civic-minded people to judge the responsibility of the State to the plight of a whole nation: the kidnapping of Roberto Tarongoy in Iraq and the unsolved murder of a Filipina migrant worker in the Netherlands, one among numerous cases of Filipinos around the world being humiliated, raped, assaulted, and killed every day. One can no longer speculate humorously about “A Day Without Filipinos” in California (next to Mexicans, Filipinos comprise the largest flow of immigrants); thousands of Filipino workers right now are rotting in the jails of Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, Singapore, and the U.S. without any loss of sleep for the Arroyo administration. Meanwhile, the Philippine Daily Inquirer (16 June 2004) counted among “the disappeared” experienced Filipino airport personnel fired for not being citizens, even as Filipinos were hired to build the infamous prisons of Guantanamo and continue to service the beleaguered camps of U.S. soldiers in Iraq.

How long can this intolerable situation be sustained without severe injury to the practice of Philippine sovereignty and the dignity of its citizens?

More than ten million Filipinos, mostly women domestics, now comprise the expanding Filipino diaspora of migrant workers—Overseas Filipino Worker (OFW), as the official lexicon calls them--all over the world. This is a historical phenomenon of unprecedented proportions. How did this happen? Once a leader in industrial development in Asia in the fifties, the Philippines today is arguably the most economically backward and depressed society in the region, with over 75% of 84 million Filipinos suffering incredible poverty, victimized by successive tsunamis of imperialist violence and exploitation since formal independence in 1946. Filipinos have now acquired the reputation and status of "servants of globalization" (as one academic textbook labels Pinays/Pinoys). Are these OFWs simply victims, or are they also cunning and astute agents of their own self-emancipation?
Here I would like to explore briefly the actualities and possibilities of their existential situation in the hope of countering the fatalism and compensatory self-delusion that vitiates government apologias and World Bank/IMF propaganda. Can Filipinas resist their sexist, racist and national oppression by simply coping? Is freedom forfeited by recognizing if not accepting the determinate power of historical necessity?

Background to Dislocation

The Cold War ended in 1989 with the collapse of the Soviet Union. While the patrons of a triumphalist "New World Order" celebrated freedom and democracy for the subjects of the erstwhile "Evil Empire," thousands of people of color were displaced from the oil-rich Arab states during the Gulf War. Prominent among the victims of this reassertion of Western imperial hegemony were Third World contract laborers, primarily women located in the reproductive sphere. Not only in the Middle East but elsewhere, in Europe, Hong Kong, Japan, and elsewhere, the drive to resolve the crisis of accumulation that began in the seventies continues in the form of flexible, postFordist production and the accelerated proletarianization of dependent/peripheral formations.
Given the exacerbated uneven development of the world system, the patriarchal capitalism of the industrialized nation-states (and its neocolonial client regimes) has been able to displace the crisis by exploiting the reserve army of female labor outside their national boundaries for unprecedented bargain prices. As Robert Miles observes, "labour migration accentuated the process of uneven development of the world capitalist economy" (1986, 60) and paradoxically intensified the contradictions at the heart of the accumulation crisis.
The global eventually finds its geopolitical embodiment in local narratives. This process of displacement acquires symbolic expression in the stories of Filipino women whose textualization of their individual experience reveals both the pathos of commodity fetishism and the possibilities of resistance or transcendence.
The plot begins with the breakdown of realistic representation in the stories that domestics are able to construct when they return. The logic of existence for migrant contracted labor parodies the epic form: ushering us in medias res where events soon acquire fantastic proportions, we see how beginnings assume an apocryphal coloring and the denouement becomes problematic, non sequitur, indeterminate or undecidable.
The protagonist of this narrative tries to acquire means to gain happiness from "donor" societies (money is the mediator for security and success); but this quest is quickly foiled, and she finds herself deceived and shortchanged. She is angry, enraged, but often terrified and soon reduced to mute despair. She tries to accomplish the task she has chosen for the sake of family and kin by physical resistance and cunning ruses of self-defense. It seems that she behaves without rational reflection, her sheer motion impelled by the compulsion of a reversal or peripeteia that has overtaken her.
What does she learn from this sudden turn of events? Contrary to the usual expectations, the shock of recognition never fully materializes because many of these women return drugged, still mesmerized by the amount of consumer durables their meager savings has allowed them to bring home. So they are eager to venture out again since local conditions provide no substitute way of fulfilling dreams of consumption. This actantial model may be trite and hackneyed, but the interest lies in its distortion and displacement by individual experiences of change. Agonistically toned oral narratives give way to solipsistic textuality (Ong 1982)--one obvious effect of commodification. Although the mass media imposes its reifying conventions, the genre of migrant female labor narratives exhibits its performance as symptom of, and protest against, the logos of general equivalence--of money as the measure of all value (Goux 1990).

Episodes of the Ordeal

In an article for The New Yorker (November 16, 1992), Raymond Bonner describes in detail the horrendous plight of women migrant labor in Kuwait--about 71,00 domestic servants from India, the Philippines, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka. Of the 25,000 women from the Philippines, two thousand so far have fled from the brutality of working long hours for meager pay, virtually imprisoned, subjected to arbitrary physical violence (including rape), and even killed.
There was the case of Jenny Casanova, 30 years old, mother of three daughters left in the Philippines, beaten for days by her employer's wife, who finally sought refuge in the Philippine Embassy. She began work at 5:30 AM, allowed to sit down during the day only for meals, took care of four children, did all the cooking and cleaning. She had no day off, not even for going to church. Another case was Shirley who worked from 6 AM to 9 PM, paid fifty cents an hour for 15 hours a day, 6 days of the week, with one day off--she fled after two weeks. And there was Josephine hit by a 29-year old son and threatened with death. The labor laws of Kuwait and other Gulf states do not cover such domestic workers who, in the absence of a contract, virtually become slaves to those who "buy" them from unscrupulous recruiting agencies. Unless "released" by their employer, it is practically impossible for these women to secure another visa; hence they become slaves, or if they escape, fugitives or refugees. No prior intervention is given by nor secured from the Philippine government.
When Bonner interviewed these "domestic helpers," to use the honorific euphemism, the Philippine Embassy had become a home for battered women and runaways. Kuwait, newly liberated from the Iraqi invaders, was a country where only Kuwaitis (28% of the population) can vote and exercise the rights of citizenship; 80% of the labor force was non-Kuwaiti; every Kuwaiti family had 5 or 6 servants. These statistics don't really provide the context or theoretical framework necessary for understanding the anecdotes of oppression and exploitation--from swindling and insult to rape and daily battering--that characterize the lives of thousands of women of color scattered all over the globe.
One study confirmed the empirical observations of many that the vast majority of workers in the Gulf suffer for lack of protection for their basic human rights "due to the absence of clearly defined legal rights, the ineffectiveness of local courts and administrative procedures" (Owen 1985). Completely dependent on their institutional or individual sponsor who confiscate their passports as soon as they arrive in the host country, these workers are maltreated, exploited, abused, beaten, and even killed. According to Women in the World: An International Atlas, this new phenomenon of migrant women--the poorest of the world's impoverished populations--are "triply burdened by race, class and gender barriers" (1986, 17).
In the Philippines, a woman was interviewed who once worked in a garment factory for eight years but left for Kuwait and after two years of working in a jewelry store got married to the owner, a military man who worked for the Kuwait National Petroleum Company. She was converted to Islam, earning her 2,000 dinars on the spot. Semaya Muhammad Mokhtar, formerly Shirley Arrieta, now owns a BMW and testifies to her good fortune as a citizen of Kuwait, just before Saddam Hussein's tanks rolled in:

"Imagine a place so clean, where if you get sick all is taken care of for free. There is no place like Kuwait. If you're a Kuwaiti, not only do you not pay any taxes, you can borrow money to set up a business. No taxes. Where in the world will you find a place where they give you money to set up a business, and you don't have to pay taxes? If you give birth to a child, you also get money. Just to show you the strength of the dinar, 10 dinars is enough to fill your grocery bags; you'd have a hard time lugging them home.... My purpose there when I left our country was to marry a Kuwaiti, because once you're married to one, one was certain to live in great comfort. But one disadvantage was their men want their wives to stay home" (Laurel 1990, 4).

Semaya Mokhtar's narrative exemplifies the fulfillment of a quest that departs from the conventional pattern of women alienating their time and energies to provide for an extended family left at home. But where is home? Filipinos who return to the Philippines at Christmas time are eager to go back to Kuwait where, although problems also beset them, "over there"--they unanimously concur--"we have money, and that makes a big difference." They frankly confess their motivation: "The money is the attraction, nothing else, and it's as simple as that." They cheer at the mention of the exchange rate: "If you've tasted earning three thousand pesos a month [in dinars], and your husband is just a jeepney driver, I think even you can bear the loneliness" (Laurel 1990, 5). The key motif of petty accumulation shrivels the montage of events into an apocalypse of redemption from class oppression. Money decides the unfolding of the plot and its mutation.

Awakening In the Promised Land

For many Filipinos who have been forced to sell their labor-power abroad, Saudi Arabia has become a symbol of the new path to a simulacra of prosperity, even if the affluence is superficial and transitory. Many seem to agree with this belief expressed in the early eighties: "This 'Saudi Juice' has really helped our country a lot.... Many things have changed in our lives. Before, only the rich can afford to eat good food. Now, the rich can be equalled by someone who has gone to Saudi Arabia" (Catholic Institute 1987, 79). By 1992, this juice seemed to have gone sour, at least in Kuwait where 367 Filipinas sought refuge in the Philippine Embassy, each one reporting physical, sexual or psychological abuse at the hands of their employers. One badly cut and bruised Filipina stated that her boss had thrown her out of a two-story window.
The feminist scholar Cynthia Enloe thinks that women's vigilance is either due to their new self-confidence and awareness of their rights, or that Kuwaiti men have grown more violent after the cessation of the Gulf War (1993, 185). People magazine popularized the stories of the Kuwaiti families' atrocious and barbaric conduct toward these hapless women. The most notorious case of abuse seems to involve Lorna Laraquel, 44, who worked as the maid of Sheikha Latifa Abdullah Jaber al-Sabah, a Princess in the royal family. According to one testimony, the Sheikha forced Laraquel to eat her meals off the floor. She also once threated to cut off the Filipina's hands and tongue and gouge out her eye. While traveling in Egypt in February 1992, Laraquel felt that she could no longer tolerate the abuse and stabbed her mistress to death with a kitchen knife. The last word is that she had been condemned to death in Egypt. In a report in USA Today (21-23 February 1992), the version of the event reads as follows:

"Foreign workers are bracing for more violence after the stabbing death of a member of Kuwait's ruling family by a Filipina housekeeper. Lourana Crow Rafaeil, 44, is accused of murdering Sheikha Latifa Abdullah Al-Jaber Al-Sabah last week in Cairo after she refused Rafaeil's request to travel to the Philippines. Kuwaiti and other Arab newspapers are calling the foreign workers untrustworthy, and even branding them as prostitutes."

With her name altered at every mention of the incident, Lourana or Lorna becomes an emblem of a possible resistance and her story an exemplum of vindication. She becomes the archetypal victim warning of retribution, an allegorical stand-in for all subalterns smoldering with vindictive ressentiment. Her mutilated name and story register and refuse at the same time the claims of bourgeois realism and surveillance. Here the Filipina narrative of exodus and return acquires a nuanced complexity that defies the usual procedures of academic rhetorical analysis and tropological deconstruction.

Decoding the Script of Self-Liberation

A few weeks after having written the above paragraphs, I received a packet of information about this case from a friend working with overseas contract workers in Japan. The name of Lorna Calda Laraquel, 42 years old, from the province of Oriental Mindoro, has now been authenticated by the Philippine Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It confirms her deed: she stabbed to death her employer, Princess Latifa Abdullah Al Jaber Al-Sabah, in Cairo on 13 February 1992 at 3:30 PM. Some personal letters she wrote to her children were reproduced in a chapter of Ma. Ceres P. Doyo's book Journalist In Her Country. The letters are confessions of Lorna Laraquel's painful sojourn in Kuwait, the inhumane treatment she received from the Princess, and her anguish during the travel to Cairo, Egypt; she was terrified that she would be killed at the behest of her employer and simply disappear.
Do we need more facts, or further interpretation? In a news report datelined Cairo, February 14, we learn more detailed information: Laraquel wanted to get her passport because she overheard her aristocratic mistress saying that she would never allow Laraquel to go home. The Princess refused to give the passport, pushing Laraquel violently until she fell. Laraquel told the prosecutor: "I could not control myself, I rushed to the kitchen and took a knife and attacked her." Enough was enough. This was the culmination of her ordeal which began on July 21, 1991. On March 25, Laraquel was arraigned in the South Cairo Preliminary Court, charged with premeditated homicide. There is no mystery left to this plot, with the hermeneutic code completely anulled: when asked if she killed the Sheikha, Laraquel told the court: "Yes" (Doyo 1993, 81.] The subaltern has spoken her “unspeakable” pain, grief and anger.

Interlude or Postlude?

Meanwhile, many Filipinos continue to feel no alternative to misery in the Philippines except to find work abroad. In spite of repeated humiliation, hunger, brutal treatment, rape, and the ravages of solitary confinement, these new "modern-day heroes" (to quote former President Corazon Aquino's ironic praise of overseas domestics) seem incapable of learning the lesson of refusal. Could it be naivete, ignorance, or sheer bullheadedness? Or could it be a deeply-ingrained susceptibility to fantasy and dreams of success? Or all these?
One answer is given by Ricardo Lee and Gil Portes' film Bukas...May Pangarap. The script concerns a man from the peasantry who was swindled by a recruiter; after being deported from Saudi Arabia, Udong (the main protagonist) returns to his family and struggles to earn a living. Somehow feeling guilty for the failure of her husband's adventure in Saudi Arabia, his wife Mering kills herself. After her burial, Udong offers himself to another recruiter (not connected with "Saudi") so as to be able to feed his children and pay back his debts. It is the end of the rope for him; the only way out is to sell himself again at a price higher than what he can get in the Philippines. Reminded by his brother of his being swindled before, his "loss of face" and the suicide of his wife, Udong seems unable to summon up the courage needed to give up his dream (or delusion?) of being able to earn enough to support his family and wipe away his debts by going abroad. The siren overseas beckons; desire for proving one's worth, one's honor, to kins, loved ones in the family and community, pushes each individual Filipino to try his/her luck, even risk life itself in the process.

Seduction for Fugitives

It becomes evident that the seduction exercised on millions of Filipino men and women occurs in the space of a wrecked or stagnant local economy due chiefly to indebtedness to the World Bank/transnational lenders and the oligarchic greed of the native elite. Can one escape going abroad? Freedom to sell one's labor power to anyone who will buy it is a freedom that crosses, nay, overturns national boundaries and seems to leap barriers of all kinds. But soon one discovers the concrete limits of this freedom. It is accomplished with the mediation of petrodollars, Japanese yen, or any viable European currency, whose use-value is precisely its exchange-value, its translation into commodities.
What happens next? When these subalterns find time to reflect and attempt to reconstitute their identity, the montage of their fragmented lives revolves around the post office (medium of communication with relatives or family members) and the bank, the two loci where the diegesis of the world system as a metanarrative of the global circulation of finance capital crystallizes. In the Middle East, petrodollars are able to purchase the labor-power of migrant workers in order not only to build infrastructures but also to sustain and reproduce the patriarchal structures of power in tributary or feudal social formations. But more important, the exchange of their time and energies for money (which never really corresponds to what is socially necessary to reproduce their human capacities) provides the foreign exchange needed to bail out the Philippine elite who has mortgaged the future of the country to the World Bank and financial consortiums of the West.

Illuminating the Stage

The Philippines is one of the world's largest debtor nations. In 1984 it owed $27 billion. In the past ten years during the Marcos dictatorship, the indices for the quality of life showed a marked deterioration in rising poverty due to income inequality, lack of employment, fall of real wages, with 3.6 million poor families. The oil shock of 1979 and the international economic recession led to 64% inflation and the precipitous decline in per capita income. Structural adjustments recommended by the IMF/World Bank resulted in prolonged stagnation, exacerbating unemployment and depressing the living condition of the majority in the rural areas. Since the seventies, the Marcos dictatorship encouraged the migration of domestic workers to relieve unemployment and ease widespread political unrest. Filipinos working abroad grew from 314,284 in 1982 to 449, 271 in 1987--40% of overseas contract workers were women (majority of whom had college education) in the entertainment, office work, and service sectors.
In the eighties, a survey found that most of the 46,000 women domestic workers in the Middle East suffered from "extreme degradation, humiliation, sexual harassment and even rape"; they are faced with "hazardous working conditions, including contract substitution, wage discrimination, ill-treatment by employers," and other forms of harassment (Vickers 1993, 90). By 1984, there were 311, 157 Filipino contract workers in the Middle East; 43,385 in Asia; 5,905 in the Americas; and 3,724 in Europe (Orozco 1985). Between 1977 and 1983, Filipino migrants sent home more than $3.5 billion--the largest foreign exchange earning (which used to come from commodity exports) sufficient to temporarily relieve the government of its balance of payments deficit.
In 1995-1998, according to Elizabeth Eviota, 4.5 million Filipinos working overseas (representing 17 percent of the total employable force) remitted $5.2 billion (2004, 58). With over nine million contract workers abroad today, overseas remittances now reach $7 billion annually, with roughly $1.5 billion sent through the local banking system.
The bodies of Filipino men and women, as vehicles of the capacity to labor, are thus exchanged or traded as commodities to generate the values remitted to the Philippines in order to sustain the extravagant lifestyles of the oligarchic elite (less than one percent of the total population) who, from the time of the U.S. colonial invasion in 1898, has historically served corporate interests and their drive for superprofits. With the huge increase of prostitution, women's bodies literally prop up and maintain a flagrantly oppressive and exploitative system.

Fables of Ruptures and Silences

Is the experience of Filipino women in the civilized centers of Europe any different? The cases I have noted are replicated with only minor variations. Of the numerous testimonies gathered by the London-based Anti-Slavery International, I cite Lulu's story:

"I received a very low wage which I accepted because there was no alternative. My employer did not follow the contract. There was no day off. I was maltreated, overworked and [had] few hours sleep. When I arrived in London my employer was always shouting at me for whatever little mistakes I did in the housework. Whenever I said that I was not feeling well my employer would shout back at me: 'Why are you not feeling well? I did not pay for you in the agency to be sick. I paid for you to work'... I wasn't feeling well because the food that I was eating was not enough to sustain me to do all of my work. In the morning I would eat a slice of bread and have a cup of tea. During lunch I would usually have a bowl of rice and some water, and in the evening I would have a slice of bread and a cup of tea again.... The lady wants me to sleep in the garage if there is a carpet but I argue with her that the garage is only for the car and it's very cold. I told her that I cannot bear to sleep there" (Anderson 1993, 48).

Thus we see that the recollected stories of Filipina workers are often interrupted, forced to repeat themselves, or hang suspended, unable to sustain a logic of continuity. The reason is obvious. The condition of slavery for these domestic workers explains why their testimonies are composed of flashbacks and analeptic withdrawals to scenes of privation that need to be revisited in order to effect a catharsis of the trauma (Rimmon-Kenan 1983). Meanwhile those who have escaped, the runaways who have managed to get jobs by giving false names, are haunted by the fear of being caught by immigration authorities (see Mirkinson 1994).
In Britain, women engaged in hospital and hotel work are driven to obtain two or three jobs to earn more to send to their families and relatives. One of them rehearsed her plight: "I have always worked in a hotel since coming here in 1975, first as a chambermaid, then as a cashier. My weekly wage is 81 pounds for a 40-hour week. I always split duty, 7:00 am to 11 am and 12:30 to 4:30 pm, or 12 noon to 3:30 and 7:30 pm to midnight. It doesn't matter even if I work weekends or bank holidays. I never get any extra money, only time off when we're not too busy, and now that business is not so good I never get an opportunity to do overtime" (Catholic Institute [hereafter CIIR] 1987, 65).
For these modern "slaves," loss of control over the rhythm of everyday life is compounded by the pressure of a regime of surveillance. This experience is captured vividly by this testimony:

"When they want me to do overtime, even on my day off--I might be asleep--they just phone through and ask me to work. Even if I am off sick, the supervisor comes to my room to check--she doesn't believe I am telling the truth. Women feel unable to invite friends, and feel perpetually under observation. Everybody knows everything about you...they know if we go out, or if we bring someone in, and I feel people are always gossiping about me. Sometimes I feel so lonely and isolated, even though there are plenty of people here. My room is so small and stuffy, but the bathroom is always so dirty, the toilet is always out of order, but I cannot move out because I couldn't afford to pay travelling expenses if I move too far from my work" (CIIR 66).

What are the consequences of this interruption of the quest for financial security? Psychological maladies of all sorts--loneliness, despair, recurrent headaches and psychosomatic symptoms, profound anomie, withdrawal, even suicidal thoughts--beset this group. Here are three confessions typical of the collective mood:

"I am pursued day and night thinking of my family at home. Even while I work my thoughts wander far and I spend my nights worrying or crying out of sheer helplessness....My husband seems to be cooling off, he seldom writes to me now...I sometimes get dizzy and often have stomach pains.... My doctor says, 'Sorry but you must learn to live with it.' He gives me pills but they don't help."

"Look at me now, I'm old already, and I still have to send 100 pounds a month home to educate my nieces and nephews. How could I get married?...I got the opportunity to come to Britain and it is my duty to help my family."

"I get so tired all the time, it's only work, work, work, and now my family are asking for more money. I don't think I'll be able to keep going much longer... I'm not so young any more." (CIIR 1987, 67)

Deciphering Hidden Transcripts

These reflections all generate enough force to invert Freytag's pyramid--the scheme in which one mounts the ladder of success without serious hindrance. They are anticlimactic glosses to an anachronistic, nonlinear pattern of development where the commodity-form (whose substance is comprised of the bodies of Filipino women) is assigned a price quite out of proportion to the surplus value it adds to their product: the reproduction of class inequality and a hierarchical political economy of racialized gender/sexuality.
There may be utopian variations in the unfolding of these vicissitudes. One is dramatized by a certain Ana DelaCruz who escaped slavery and attempted rape; eventually she married an Irishman in the building trade so that she was able to send 200 pounds per month to her mother--but at the cost of her being permanently estranged from her two children left at home in the Philippines (Asean-Far Easterm Monitor, March 1993, 14). But here, too, the quantitative schema of the transformation of Commodity-->>Money-->>Commodity hides the qualitative relation of exploitation and oppression. Value as a social relation is occluded by the exchange of the commodity labor-power, now converted into abstract labor in order to be measured in terms of alienated time, so that the material relations between humans mediated by the money wage become fetishized, acquiring an enigmatic life of their own. Given the geopolitics of uneven development, it is the sex/gender contradiction that disrupts the fetishism of the neoliberal order and reveals the limits of male physical power.

Orientalizing Scenarios

Let us look finally at the stories of those working in Hong Kong (about 60,000 women) and Japan (of the 141,937 Filipinos in Japan, 32,636 are in the entertainment or "hostessing" sector)--both destinations, replete with abundant bazaars and emporia, are highly sought.
As domestic helpers and "hospitality girls," Filipina domestic helpers function within the sphere of reproduction--raising children, cooking and washing and cleaning, etc. (Himmelweit 1983). Cases of sexual abuse and even killing become more dominant and sometimes exorbitant, as epitomized in the case of Anastacia in Hong Kong who was victimized by William Chan, the millionaire chamption horse trainer of Hong Kong. Anastacia was repeatedly assaulted by her employer; after the fourth assault, she escaped and brought her case to court. Found guilty by the British magistrate who chided him for behavior "contemptuous of the woman's indignity," Chan was fined $643 for each of the five counts of indecent assault for a grand total of $3,215. Eventually Anastacia returned to the Philippines with a pittance of $3,213 after 11 years of service (Maglipon 1990). With about 52,868 Filipina domestic "helpers" in Hong Kong in 1989, the term "Filipina" has become synonymous with "maid" in the idiom of Hong Kong residents.
The case of sixteen year old Liza (investigated and reconstructed by the journalist Maglipon) may not be typical but is exemplary in foregrounding the use value of the erotic in the traffic of women's bodies. This attractive girl from a quiet home in Laguna province in the Philippines was lured by the promise of a job as waitress in Hong Kong. The man who accompanied her to Hong Kong threatened her with jail if she complained that her name in her passport was different; after being raped by her companion, "she was turned over to her customers in a brothel managed by a Chinese resident. In her testimony to the police, she stated "that she was made to work every night from 10 pm to 7 am" and had 20 to 30 customers every night (Maglipon 1990, 16).
On the 16th day of her captivity, she succumbed to an epileptic seizure. Instead of being sent to the hospital, the immigration authorities threw her in jail for the crime of faking a passport. In prison for three months, she was subjected to all kinds of indignities and given pills that bloated her body and induced a liver ailment. When she became pregnant, she had to demand an abortion. Upon her release, the doctors told her that she had a brain tumor. Surprisingly enough, the narrative ends with the note that Liza has rejoined her mother in the province and that she "has become beautiful again."
This recalls somewhat the story of Liza Mamac, a handsome woman who was forced into white slavery in Holland; she was rescued through the efforts of Johan Agricola who later married her and helped prosecute her victimizer (Parel 1990)--a paradigm with functions and roles that evoke those in the narratological schemas of the Russian critic Vladimir Propp and the French semiotician Algirdas Greimas.

Revisiting the Outrage

The Japanese scenario has been played out for some time now, replete with horrendous consequences. It has generated narratives that are now archetypal and exemplary in illustrating the contradiction embodied in labor as commodity: the value form--the social form of abstract labor--and its concrete use value that is exchanged and depreciated owing to the political, economic, and cultural asymmetry between Japan as an economic superpower and the Philippines as a dependent, neocolonial formation. In short, it is no longer a surprise to find Filipinas in Japan always equated to prostitutes, also euphemistically known as "hospitality girls."
In Japan, Filipina women service the libidinal needs and psychosexual fantasies of Japanese businessmen, selling "a particular brand of female sexuality" (De Dios 1992, 49). Japayukis, as Filipina entertainers are called, suffer from the violence of this kind of trafficking in women--female sexual slavery: once in Japan, their passports are immediately confiscated by their employers. And instead of being paid monthly salaries (lower than that promised in the Philippines), they are given cash advances for food and basic necessities; when and if they are finally remunerated at the airport after the stipulated six months, they are unable to complain. During their contract, they are subjected to all kinds of abuse, humiliation, and physical violence. The scandalous dossier of what happened to Filipina entertainers like Maricris Sioson (killed under mysterious circumstances), Jocelyn Guanezo, and Cecilia Gelio-Agan, among others, illustrate the ultimate climax of commodification: in the case of Sioson, an autopsy of her brutalized body that conflicts with the Japanese hospital's diagnosis of her death, a death the circumstances of which are permanently suspect.
Profit are literally squeezed from the cadavers of these victims. The expenditure of concrete labor (the sexual instrumentalization of women's bodies) whose use value is measured by a drastically reduced price constitutes the necessary condition for sustained accumulation for the metropole elite. Both use value and exchange value are relational categories that operate within the logic of accumulation. Their tension produces uneven development, that geopolitical inequality I mentioned earlier. Why the diaspora of Third World workers? Samir Amin sums up the explanation: "The world capitalist system embodies a structure of labor-market segmentation wherein workers in peripheral countries receive no more than one-sixth of the wages received by their counterparts in the advanced industrial center" (1980, 26).

Regime of Sacrifice

The seduction of finally becoming a consumer is almost irresistible. Most of the women entertainers recruited by the Japanese are seduced by the offer of high wages especially if converted into pesos. Why not accept the offer if the only alternative is hunger and hopelessness? These promises are made to applicants (most of them from poor rural families) in the Philippines, reinforced by token advance money. At the airport in Japan, they are given "show money" to prove to immigration officers that they have money to spend; but that is taken away from them, together with their passports, when they are assigned to different "houses" and shuttled from one club to another.
In 'Club 229' and the 'Jump Club' in Osaka the women worked from 6 pm (and sometimes earlier) until 11 am the following morning. They did everything: they were dancers, waitresses, dish washers, cleaners, and hostesses. They were also forced to go out with customers for which they only get less than one-third of the money...The women did not talk about their problems. 'We were undergoing the same things, perhaps we were ashamed.... The only thing we really cried aloud was our longing for home..." (CIIR 1987, 99). The clubs are raided, the women arrested and eventually deported. Why don't they complain? One woman responded: "I was so afraid I would read my story in the papers. Besides there was nothing I could do. If the Philippine authorities in Japan didn't help me there, why would they now? Right now I just want to forget it all."
Forget it all? Not for the relatives of Sioson, Gelio-Agan, and many others.
Is this the lesson of the circulation of social energies in the continuing saga of Filipino migrant labor? We have seen how the socially necessary labor time needed to produce the power to work, the value of the women's labor power, has been reduced to the minimum. In the case of women in Britain and elsewhere, the "free" laborer collapses all of time into the expenditure of labor power that is measured and translated into money wage. The time left to recuperate, or reproduce that same labor power, is either absent or left to coincide with the purchased time. In short, production and reproduction of the worker's life have become identical. The value of abstract labor is represented by the money commodity, its exchange into consumer goods. Hence the dream of every Filipina to advance her lot by crossing boundaries and inhabiting the dreamworld of a consumer's paradise overseas--even if vicariously because what she earns is really enjoyed by her parents, children, or relatives in the impoverished homeland.

Remapping Carnal Cartographies

Value translated into commodity-fetishism is mediated through the cash-nexus. Money as social power and as the form of value, not as money capital, and the commodities it is equivalent to, conceal the social meaning of value itself. It also hides the character of private labor and the social relations between workers and their employers. While the market system--the commercial exchange of labor as commodity--seems to dictate the price of quantities of use values expended by these "sexual slaves," it is actually the political and economic domination of the Philippines by Japan, and also by the Western industralized states (and their Arab clients) that explains how the exchange value of the Filipino women's capacity to produce value results in their super-exploitation. Both the conditions of work as well as the intensity of the labor process--symptomized by the gaps, absences, and elisions in the narratives--are wholly controlled by the employer despite efforts by the Philippine government to negotiate more humane terms.
We see then that the freedom of the labor market is an illusion. In these narratives of spatial adventures, we find a temporal process that deconstructs the Eurocentric paradigm of the "free laborer" emerging from the dissolution of feudal serfdom. Inserted into the configuration of the world system with its sex-gender and racialized class hierarchies, women from the Philippines and elsewhere are reduced into modern-day slaves. Their bodies become commodities whose exchange is severely delimited by their virtual "ownership" by Western or Japanese businessmen and gangsters even while the institutional framework defining the status of overseas contract workers superimposes the illusion of the "free" circulation of labor power exchanging according to fair market prices.
This disjunction between the classic paradigm of the free market of commodities and the tributary relations between nation-states--the underdeveloped peripheries like the Philippines supplying cheap labor--has shaped the plots of women's stories into either a pathetic or sentimental one: pathetic in that a sequence of misfortunes cuts down our protagonists who do not deserve such suffering and so arouse our sympathy, sentimental in that despite the blows of adversities, our attractive and weak protagonists triumph in the end--through marriage or safe return to the homeland (Ducrot and Todorov 1979). In any case, one can perceive a moment of agency in the twist of representation. Whether it is simply consolation, or real efficacy in transforming one's class position, depends on the context of social changes involving the whole nation.

In Quest of An Ending

We scarcely find any plots of education or revelation in the accounts of their travels since most Overseas Filipino Workers seem not to have learned the lesson of avoiding repetition. Instead we find them confessing their desire to either return to the same place of misfortune, or travel to another place where tales of opportunities abound. At the very least, a change occurs in their specific attitudes but not their central belief that the economic improvement of their lives will not happen in their homeland but abroad.
This perception matches the reality of unrelenting immiseration, which in turn hides the dangers of exploitation abroad. Some are tested, reformed and enlightened; others become disillusioned. Rarely do these veterans give warning to their compatriots to desist from exploring unknown territory. So, in effect, the commodity-fetishism of the system of dependency continues to mediate the dispersal of libidinal investments by people of color in narratives where the process of mediation or transformation of their lives is determined by a combination of brute physical power, state regulations, callous neglect and indifference of governments, and hypocritical moralists.
It is only recently that OFWs in Europe, Hong Kong, and elsewhere, have begun to organize. Amelioration of the "hospitality" women's condition and a halt to the traffic of sexual slaves will surely begin when and if a critical mass of Filipina and other Third World women are conscientized enough to organize and revolt against the whole system. Lacking this, we can for the moment be consoled by one woman's ironic quest and personal sacrifice for justice and freedom--I have in mind the fate of Lourana or Lorna Crow Rafaeil, condemned by a whole system of racist exploitation and oppression, whose testimony remains to be exhumed and liberated from the archive of an inhuman "New World Order." For Flor Contemplacion and many others, it is difficult to superimpose a conventional tragic stereotype on their lives because the norm of justice remains to be imposed.
Is there another form of agency in the trajectory of Filipina workers' lives? In a play entitled Pitik-Bulag Sa Buwan ng Pebrero, Ricardo Lee captures the existential vibrance and power of this testimony in the words of Yolly who narrates and also reflects in a Brechtian gesture her life as a Filipina "dancer" in Japan:

"Nagputa ako hanggang gusto nila. Pinag-aral ko lahat. May malaking aquarium, nakababad kami d'on sa tubig, may mga numero sa dibdib, parang mga ipinagbibiling isda. Tiniis ko lahat. Nag-cultural dance ako nang naka-bikini. Nakipag-sex nang may nanonood. Nilaspag-laspag nila ako, lahat na nang bagay ay pumasok sa katawan ko, pero lagi pa rin akong at your service, omese, anything you say. Nakakulong kami, may kandado at bantay, pinupurga sa contraceptives at penicillin, binubugbog kapag nagreklamo. Kagaya ni Esper [a "mail order bride" beaten up by her Australian master] ay marami rin akong hiwa at pilat sa katawan. Tinanggap ko lahat nang mga iyan. May nakaplaster na ngiti sa mga labi ko pero putang ina, sabi ng dibdib ko, putang ina."

[I became a whore up to the hilt. I studied everything. They had a large aquarium, there we were immersed in the water, with numbers on our chests, like fish being hawked. I endured everything. I did cultural dances with a bikini. I had sexual intercourse with spectators around. I was thoroughly bruised, almost all kinds of objects went into my body, but I was still at your service, yes, anything you say. We were imprisoned, with lock and guard, purged with contraceptives and penicillin, beaten up if you complain. Like Esper, I have many cuts and scars all over my body. I accepted all these. There was a smile plastered on my lips but son of a bitch, my chest cried out, son of a bitch. (translated by E.San Juan, Jr.)]

Once Upon A Time

The real denouement, however, is suspended in the larger diasporic agon of Filipina domestic workers. On March 17, Singapore's government hanged Flor Contemplacion for the alleged killing of a fellow maid and her four-year old charge. Despite the patent implausibility of such an accusation, belied by witnesses who testified that Contemplacion was innocent (she was in fact tortured by the Singaporean police and forced to confess to the alleged crime), her story was given no credence--even by the Filipino officials who, doubting Contemplacion's own disavowal, made the motion of setting up its own bureaucratic inquisition.
The cover-up could not be tolerated. Millions of Filipinos, enraged by such injustice, exploded into rallies of indignation all over the islands; urban guerillas as well as local town and provincial administrators threatened Singaporeans and their businesses. In response to then President Fidel Ramos' plea for clemency, the Singaporean president was quoted as saying that his cabinet "found no special circumstances to justify commutation of her sentence" and cited Section 302 of his country's penal code to the effect that anyone convicted of murder is meted the death penalty "regardless of nationality" (Philippine News, March 15-21, 1995, A6).
It was a classic tautology to wash bloody hands and also conceal the real criminals. Ramos, of course, assumed that the woman was guilty. In the reports in Singapore's newspapers, Contemplacion was portrayed as hearing voices that told her to kill the Filipina maid and the Singaporean boy. In a last-ditch effort, the Philippine government tried to appeal to the United Nations to intervene, but apparently this was all a gesture meant to appease the infuriated citizens (Philippine News, March 22-28, 1995, A1, A14).
In the immediate aftermath, the Ramos administration mounted an all-out display of concern for our latter-day "national heroes," hundreds of thousands of contract workers exploited and brutalized daily in Singapore, Hong Kong, Tokyo, and other cities in the Middle East, Europe, North America, and elsewhere. Somehow we want to affirm our national dignity, our conscience, our sense of solidarity. Rallies, vigils, flag-burning, funeral marches, massive protests, and unrelenting cries for vengeance--these interruptions of the comic plot (or aborted tragedy) are symptomatic of an impending breakdown of the entire symbolic economy of globalized labor-exchange on which the ideology of individual success through work, thrift, and self-sacrifice rests. Perhaps the lesson here is that aesthetics and philosophy cannot really capture the complete and full trajectory of Filipina lives and that, to quote Delia Aguilar, "only with an unequivocal articulation of the global order that women can be adequately grasped in their complexity as laboring and desiring subjects" (2004, 21). Such more unequivocal inquiry remains the agenda for another occasion. Meanwhile, let me conclude provisionally these preliminary notes on this unfolding international drama (San Juan 2001).
The Flor Contemplacion story is not over yet despite the deluge of films, official documents, police blotters, sentimental blogs, etc. attempting to bury the whole affair. When the masses explode, it is clear that empathy is no longer needed, vicarious identification no longer avails. Peripeteia (a reversal of fortune) short-circuits the shock of recognition. Finally, the sacrifice of bodies for the sake of Gross National Product and IMF conditionalities--of sensuous use-value for the abstracted or reified exchange-value--has found a precise dramatic embodiment in the execution of Flor Contemplacion by the rabidly self-righteous authoritarian capitalists of Singapore whose worship of the commodity and money-fetish eludes the descriptive reach of ordinary language.
A historical-materialist analysis will not let us repress or elude the voices of the victims. Who is ultimately responsible for all these outrages on Filipinas? Where is the Philippine nation-state with its extortive agencies, its parasitic labor bureaucrats and its overseas employment machine? A collective judgment of accountability is imperative, otherwise each person will take revenge. Indeed, these questions seem superfluous, for there are no more stories or tales to recount, only this uncanny quiet of the vigil and intimations of "the fire next time." Slowly, the winds of revolution are blasting the continuum of normal history, dissolving the boundaries of past and future, dream and reality, into the dialectical Now of Pinay power.

REFERENCES


Aguilar, Delia. 2004. "Introduction" to Women and Globalization, edited by Delia Aguilar and Anne Lacsamana. Amherst, NY: Humanity Books.

Amin, Samir. 1980. "The Class Structure of the Contemporary Imperialist System."
Monthly Review 31.8: 9-26.

Anderson, Bridget. 1993. Britain's Secret Slaves. London: Anti-Slavery International.

Bonner, Raymond. 1994. "A Woman's Place." In Ourselves Among Others, edited by Carol J. Verburg, 475-485. Boston: Bedford Books.

Catholic Institute for International Relations, ed. 1987. The Labour Trade: Filipino Migrant Workers Around the World. London: Catholic Institute for International Relations.

De Dios, Aurora Javate. 1992. "Japayuki-San: Filipinas at Risk." In Filipino Women Overseas Contract Workers...At What Cost? edited by Ruby Palma Beltran and Aurora Javate de Dios, 39-58. Manila: Women in Development Foundation, Inc.

Doyo, Ma. Ceres. 1993. Journalist in Her Country. Manila: Anvil Publishing Co.

Ducrot, Oswald and Tzvetan Todorov. 1979. Encyclopedic Dictory of the Sciences of Language. Translated by Catherine Porter. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press.

Enloe, Cynthia. 1993. The Morning After. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Eviota, Elizabeth. 2004. "The Context of Gender and Globalization in the Philippines." In Women and Globalization, edited by Delia Aguilar and Anne Lacsamana. Amherst, NY: Humanity Books.

Goux, Jean-Joseph. 1990. Symbolic Economies: After Marx and Freud. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Hewitt, Bill and Terry Smith. "The Shame of Kuwait." People (4 May 1992): 44-46.

Himmelweit, Susan. 1983. "Domestic Labor." In A Dictionary of Marxist Thought, edited by Tom Bottomore, 135-37. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press.

Kelly, Jack. "Kuwaitis are 'treating us like animals,' USA Today, 21-23 February 1992): 1A -2A.
Laurel, R. Kwan. 1990. "Migrant Workers' Christmas." Midweek (December): 3-5.

Lee, Ricardo. 1984. Bukas...May Pangarap. Quezon City: Markenprint.

-----. 1989. Pitik-Bulag Sa Buwan ng Pebrero. Quezon City: Kalikasan Publications.

Maglipon, Jo-ann Q. 1990. The Filipina Migrant: Braving the Exile. Hong Kong: Mission for Filipino Migrant Workers.

Miles, Robert. 1986. "Labour migration, racism and capital accumulation in western Europe since 1945: an overview." Capital and Class 28 (Spring): 49-86.

Mirkinson, Judith. 1994. "Red Light, Green Light: The Global Trafficking of Women." Breakthrough 18.1 (Spring): 10-15.

Ong, Walter. 1982. Orality and Literacy. London: Methuen.

Orozco, Wilhelmina. 1985. Economic Refugees: Voyage of the Commoditized. Pamphlet Series No. 1. Manila: Philippine Women's Research Collective.

Owen, Roger. 1985. "The Conditions experienced by Migrant Workers in the Gulf." IDOC Internazionale 16 (November-December): 4-8.

Parel, Tezza O. 1989. "Japayuki." Midweek (April 12): 8-12.

Rimmon-Kenan, Shlomith. 1983. Narrative Fiction: Contemporary Poetics. London: Methuen.

San Juan, E. 2000. After Postcolonialism: Remapping Philippines-U.S. Confrontations. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.

-----. 2001. “Interrogating Transmigrancy, Remapping Diaspora: The Globalization of Laboring Filipinos/as.” Discourse 23.3 (Fall): 52-74. Versions of this appeared in Journal of Asian-Pacific Affairs (2002) and Diliman Review (2003), also in the Web page of Philippine American Literary House


Seager, Joni and Ann Olson. 1986. Women in the World: An International Atlas. New York: Simon and Schuster.

Vickers, Jeanne. 1993. Women and the World Economic Crisis. London and New Jersey: Zed Books.


_____________________________

US GENOCIDE IN THE PHILIPPINES (Filipino-American War 1899-1913)




NOTES ON U.S. GENOCIDE IN THE PHILIPPINES AND THE URGENT NEED TO PREVENT ITS REPETITION



by E. San Juan, Jr.







Lest people forget, the U.S. ruling class today, since the end of the Cold War and the beginning of the Gulf War, has been deeply mired in an unconscionable, self-destructive war against people of color in Iraq, Afghanistan, Palestine, Colombia, Nepal, Mexico, Sudan, Somalia, and, of course, the Philippines. With over 446,000 troops abroad in over 725 bases worldwide, the U.S. is now transferring thousands of troops from its Okinawa base to Luzon. Over 40 US Special Forces have been involved in the raging battles in Mindanao and Sulu against Muslim insurgents; in Cotabato, the US has been constructing a naval/air base larger than Clark and Subic combined. Under the pretext of the “Balikatan” exercises since 9/11, the Arroyo regime has allowed US troops to participate in counter-insurgency maneuvers, some under “humanitarian” cover in the flood-stricken provinces of Aurora and Quezon. It is only a matter of time when full-blown US intervention against forces of the New People’s Army and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front is bound to result in the killing of thousands of Filipinos—a horrific if preventable repetition of US genocide against the revolutionary forces of the first Philippine Republic.


Revisiting the Carnage



Except during the sixties when the Filipino-American War of 1899-1902 was referred to as “the first Vietnam,” the death of 1.4 million Filipinos has been usually accounted for as either collateral damage or victims of insurrection against the imperial authority of the United States. The first Filipino scholar to make a thorough documentation of the carnage is the late Luzviminda Francisco in her contribution to The Philippines: The End of An Illusion (London, 1973).

This fact is not even mentioned in the tiny paragraph or so in most U.S. history textbooks. Stanley Karnow’s In Our Image (1989), the acclaimed history of this intervention, quotes the figure of 200,000 Filipinos killed in outright fighting. Among historians, only Howard Zinn and Gabriel Kolko have dwelt on the “genocidal” character of the catastrophe. Kolko, in his magisterial Main Currents in Modern American History (1976), reflects on the context of the mass murder: “Violence reached a crescendo against the Indian after the Civil War and found a yet bloodier manifestation during the protracted conquest of the Philippines from 1898 until well into the next decade, when anywhere from 200,000 to 600,000 Filipinos were killed in an orgy of racist slaughter that evoked much congratulation and approval....” Zinn’s A People’s History of the United States (1980) cites 300,000 Filipinos killed in Batangas alone, while William Pomeroy’s American Neo-Colonialism (1970) cites 600,000 Filipinos dead in Luzon alone by 1902. The actual figure of 1.4 million covers the period from 1899 to 1905 when resistance by the Filipino revolutionary forces mutated from outright combat in battle to guerilla skirmishes; it doesn’t include the thousands of Moros (Filipino Muslims) killed in the first two decades of U.S. colonial domination.



The first Philippine Republic led by General Emilio Aguinaldo, which had already waged a successful war against the Spanish colonizers, mounted a determined nationwide opposition against U.S. invading forces. It continued for two more decades after Aguinaldo’s capture in 1901. Several provinces resisted to the point where the U.S. had to employ scorched-earth tactics, and hamletting or “reconcentration” to quarantine the populace from the guerillas, resulting in widespread torture, disease, and mass starvation. In The Specter of Genocide: Mass Murder in Historical Perspective (2003), Prof. Gavan McCormack argues that the outright counterguerilla operations launched by the U.S. against the Filipinos, an integral part of its violent pacification program, constitutes genocide. He refers to Jean Paul Sartre’s contention that as in Vietnam, “the only anti-guerilla strategy which will be effective is the destruction of the people, in other words, the civilians, women and children.” That is what happened in the Philippines in the first half of the bloody twentieth century.


Civilizing Holocaust



As defined by the UN 1948 “ Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide,” genocide means acts “committed with intention to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group.” It is clear that the U.S. colonial conquest of the Philippines deliberately sought to destroy the national sovereignty of the Filipinos. The intent of the U.S. perpetrators included the dissolution of the ethnic identity of the Filipinos manifest in the rhetoric, policies, and disciplinary regimes enunciated and executed by legislators, politicians, military personnel, and other apparatuses. The original proponents of the UN document on genocide conceived of genocide as including acts or policies aimed at “preventing the preservation or development” of “racial, national, linguistic, religious, or political groups.” That would include “all forms of propaganda tending by their systematic and hateful character to provoke genocide, or tending to make it appear as a necessary, legitimate, or excusable act.” What the UN had in mind, namely, genocide as cultural or social death of targeted groups, was purged from the final document due to the political interests of the nation-states that then dominated the world body.



What was deleted in the original draft of the UN document are practices considered genocidal in their collective effect. Some of them were carried out in the Philippines by the United States from 1899 up to 1946 when the country was finally granted formal independence. As with the American Indians, U.S. colonization involved, among others, the “destruction of the specific character of a persecuted group by forced transfer of children, forced exile, prohibition of the use of the national language, destruction of books, documents, monuments, and objects of historical, artistic or religious value.” The goal of all colonialism is the cultural and social death of the conquered natives, in effect, genocide.



In a recent article, “Genocide and America” (New York Review of Books, March 14, 2002), Samantha Power observes that US officials “had genuine difficulty distinguishing the deliberate massacre of civilians from the casualties incurred in conventional conflict.” It is precisely the blurring of this distinction in colonial wars through racializing discourses and practices that proves how genocide cannot be fully grasped without analyzing the way the victimizer (the colonizing state power) categorizes the victims (target populations) in totalizing and naturalizing modes unique perhaps to the civilizational drives of modernity. Within the modern period, in particular, the messianic impulse to genocide springs from the imperative of capital accumulation—the imperative to reduce humans to commodified labor-power, to saleable goods/services. U.S. “primitive accumulation” began with the early colonies in New England and Virginia, and culminated in the 19th century with the conquest and annexation of Puerto Rico, Cuba, Guam, Hawaii, and the Philippines.With the historical background of the U.S. campaigns against the American Indians in particular, and the treatment of African slaves and Chicanos in general, there is a need for future scholars and researchers to concretize this idea of genocide (as byproduct of imperial expansion) by exemplary illustrations from the U.S. colonial adventure in the Philippines.





Diagnosing Historical Amnesia



When U.S. occupation troops in Iraq continued to suffer casualties every day after the war officially ended, academics and journalists began in haste to supply capsule histories comparing their situation with those of troops in the Philippines during the Filipino-American War (1899-1902). A New York Times essay summed up the lesson in its title, “In 1901 Philippines, Peace Cost More Lives Than Were Lost in War” (2 July 2003, B1)), while an article in the Los Angeles Times contrasted the simplicity of McKinley’s “easy” goal of annexation (though at the cost of 4,234 U.S. soldiers killed and 3,000 wounded) with George W. Bush’s ambition to “create a new working democracy as soon as possible” (20 July 2003, M2). Reviewing the past is instructive, of course, but we should always place it in the context of present circumstances in the Philippines and in the international arena. What is the real connection between the Philippines and the current U.S. war against terrorism?



With the death of Martin Burnham, the hostage held by Muslim kidnappers called the “Abu Sayyaf” in Mindanao, the southern island of the Philippines, one would expect more than 1,200 American troops (including FBI and CIA personnel) training Filipinos for that rescue mission to be heading for home in late 2002. Instead of being recalled, reinforcements have been brought in and more joint military exercises announced in the future. Since September 11, 2001, U.S. media and Filipino government organs have dilated on the Abu Sayyaf’s tenuous links with Osama bin Laden. A criminal gang that uses Islamic slogans to hide its kidnapping-for-ransom activities, the Abu Sayyaf is a splinter group born out of the U.S. war against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan and used by the government to sow discord among the insurgent partisans of the Moro National Liberation Front and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. Protected by local politicians and military officials, the Abu Sayyaf’s persistence betokens the complicated history of the centuries-long struggle of more than ten million Muslims in the Philippines for dignity, justice, and self-determination.



What is behind the return of the former colonizer to what was once called its “insular territory” administered then by the Bureau of Indian Affairs? With Secretary Colin Powell’s decision to stigmatize as “terrorist” the major insurgent groups that have been fighting for forty years for popular democracy and independence—the Communist Party of the Philippines and the New People’s Army, part of a coalition called the National Democratic Front, the introduction of thousands of U.S. troops, weapons, logistics, and supporting personnel has become legitimate. More is involved than simply converting the archipelago to instant military bases and facilities for the U.S. military—a bargain exchange for the strategic outposts Clark Air Base and Subic Naval Base that were scrapped by a resurgent Filipino nationalism a decade ago. With the military officials practically managing the executive branch of government, the Philippine nation-state will prove to be more an appendage of the Pentagon than a humdrum neocolony administered by oligarchic compradors (a “cacique democracy,” in the words of Benedict Anderson), which it has been since nominal independence in 1946. On the whole, Powell’s stigmatizing act is part of the New American Century Project to reaffirm a new pax Americana after the Cold War


Killing Fields in Islas Pilipinas



Immediately after the proclaimed defeat of the Taliban and the rout of Osama bin Laden’s forces in Afghanistan, the Philippines became the second front in the U.S.-led war on terrorism. Raymond Bonner, author of Waltzing with Dictators (1987), argues that the reason for this second front is “the desire for a quick victory over terrorism,… the wish to reassert American power in Southeast Asia….If Washington’s objective is to wipe out the international terrorist organizations that pose a threat to world stability, the Islamic terrorist groups operating in Pakistan-controlled Kashmir would seem to be a higher priority than Abu Sayyaf” (New York Times, 10 June 2002). Or those in Indonesia, a far richer and promising region in terms of oil and other abundant natural resources. As in the past, during the Huk rebellion in the Philippines in the Cold War years, the U.S. acted as “the world’s policemen,” aiding the local military in “civic action” projects to win “hearts and minds,” a rehearsal for Vietnam. The Stratfor Research Group believes that Washington is using the Abu Sayyaf as a cover for establishing a “forward logistics and operation base” in southeast Asia in order to be able to conduct swift pre-emptive strikes against enemies in Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam, China, and elsewhere.



Overall, however, the intervention of U.S. Special Forces in solving a local problem inflamed Filipino sensibilities, its collective memory still recovering from the nightmare of the U.S.-supported brutal Marcos dictatorship. What disturbed everyone was the Cold-War practice of “Joint Combined Exchange Training” exercises. In South America and Africa, such U.S. foreign policy initiatives merged with counter-insurgency operations that chanelled military logistics and equipment to favored regimes notorious for flagrant human rights violations. In Indonesia during the Suharto regime, for example, U.S. Special Operations Forces trained government troops accused by Amnesty International of kidnapping and torture of activists, especially in East Timor and elsewhere. In El Salvador, Colombia and Guatemala, the U.S. role in organizing death squads began with Special Operations Forces advisers who set up “intelligence networks” ostensibly against the narcotics trade but also against leftist insurgents and nationalists. During the Huk uprising in the Philippines, Col. Edward Lansdale, who later masterminded the Phoenix atrocities in Vietnam, rehearsed similar counter-insurgency techniques combined with other anticommunist tricks of the trade. Now U.S. soldiers in active combat side by side with Filipinos will pursue the “terrorists” defined by the U.S. State Department—guerillas of the New People’s Army, Moro resistance fighters, and other progressive sectors of Filipino society.


Return of the Anglo-Saxon Conquistadors



Are we seeing American troops in the boondocks (bundok, in the original Tagalog, means “mountain”) again? Are we experiencing a traumatic attack of déjà vu? A moment of reflection returns us to what Bernard Fall called “the first Vietnam,” the Filipino-American War of 1899-1902, in which at least 1.4 million Filipinos. The campaign to conquer the Philippines was designed in accordance with President McKinley’s policy of “Benevolent Assimilation” of the uncivilized and unchristian natives, a “civilizing mission” that Mark Twain considered worthy of the Puritan settlers and the pioneers in the proverbial “virgin land.” In Twain’s classic prose: “Thirty thousand killed a million. It seems a pity that the historian let that get out; it is really a most embarrassing circumstance.” This was a realization of the barbarism that Henry Adams feared before Admiral George Dewey entered Manila Bay on 1 May 1898: “I turn green in bed at midnight if I think of the horror of a year’s warfare in the Philippines where…we must slaughter a million or two of foolish Malays in order to give them the comforts of flannel petticoats and electric trailways.”



In “Benevolent Assimilation”: The American Conquest of the Philippines, 1899-1903 (1982), Stuart Creighton Miller recounts the U.S. military’s “scorched earth” tactics in Samar and Batangas, atrocities from “search and destroy” missions reminiscent of Song My and My Lai in Vietnam. This episode in the glorious history of Empire is usually accorded a marginal footnote, or a token paragraph in school textbooks. Miller only mentions in passing the U.S. attempt to subjugate the unhispanized Moros, the Muslim Filipinos in Mindanao and Sulu islands. On March 9, 1906, four years after President Theodore Roosevelt declared the war over, Major General Leonard Wood, commanding five hundred and forty soldiers, killed a beleaguered group of six hundred Muslim men, women and children in the battle of Mount Dajo. A less publicized but horrific battle occurred on June 13, 1913, when the Muslim sultanate of Sulu mobilized about 5,000 followers (men, women and children) against the American troops led by Capt. John Pershing. The battle of Mount Bagsak, 25 kilometers east of Jolo City, ended with the death of 340 Americans and of 2,000 (some say 3000) Moro defenders. Pershing was true to form—earlier he had left a path of destruction in Lanao, Samal Island, and other towns where local residents fought his incursions. Anyone who resisted U.S. aggression was either a “brigand” or seditious bandit. The carnage continued up to the “anti-brigandage” campaigns of the first three decades which suppressed numerous peasant revolts and workers’ strikes against the colonial state and its local agencies.



With the help of the U.S. sugar-beet lobby, the Philippine Commonwealth of 1935 was established, constituted with a compromise mix of laws and regulations then being tried in Puerto Rico, Cuba, and Hawaii. Eventually the islands became a model of a pacified neocolony. Except perhaps for Miller’s aforementioned book and assorted studies, nothing much about the revealing effects of that process of subjugation of Filipinos have registered in the American Studies archive. This is usually explained by the theory that the U.S. did not follow the old path of European colonialism, and its war against Spain was pursued to liberate the natives from Spanish tyranny. If so, that war now rescued from the dustbin of history signaled the advent of a globalizing U.S. interventionism whose latest manifestation, in a different historical register, is Bush’s “National Security Strategy” of “exercising self-defense [of the Homeland] by acting preemptively,” assuming that might is right.


Revival of People’s War



The revolutionary upsurge in the Philippines against the Marcos dictatorship (1972-1986) stirred up dogmatic Cold War complacency. With the inauguration of a new stage in Cultural Studies in the nineties, the historical reality of U.S. imperialism (the genocide of Native Americans is replayed in the subjugation of the inhabitants of the Philippines, Puerto Rico, Hawaii, and Cuba) is finally being excavated and re-appraised. But this is, of course, a phenomenon brought about by a confluence of multifarious events, among them: the demise of the Soviet Union as a challenger to U.S. hegemony; the sublation of the Sixties in both Fukuyama’s “end of history” and the interminable “culture wars,” the Palestininan intifadas; the Zapatista revolt against NAFTA; the heralding of current anti-terrorism by the Gulf War; and the fabled “clash of civilizations.” Despite these changes, the old frames of intelligibility have not been modified or reconfigured to understand how nationalist revolutions in the colonized territories cannot be confused with the nationalist patriotism of the dominant or hegemonic metropoles, or how the mode of U.S. imperial rule in the twentieth century differs in form and content from those of the British or French in the nineteenth century. The received consensus of a progressive modernizing influence from the advanced industrial powers remains deeply entrenched. Even postcolonial and postmodern thinkers commit the mistake of censuring the decolonizing projects of the subalternized peoples because these projects (in the superior gaze of these thinkers) have been damaged, or are bound to become perverted into despotic postcolonial regimes, like those in Ghana, Algeria, Vietnam, the Philippines, and elsewhere. The only alternative, it seems, is to give assent to the process of globalization under the aegis of the World Bank/IMF/WTO, and hope for a kind of “benevolent assimilation.”



What remains to be carefully considered, above all, is the historical specificity or singularity of each of these projects of national liberation, their class composition, historical roots, programs, ideological tendencies, and political agendas within the context of colonial/imperial domination. It is not possible to pronounce summary judgments on the character and fate of nationalist movements in the peripheral formations without focusing on the complex manifold relations between colonizer and colonized, the dialectical interaction between their forces as well as others caught in the conflict. Otherwise, the result would be a disingenuous ethical utopianism such as that found in U.S. postnationalist and postcolonialist discourse which, in the final analysis, functions as an apology for the ascendancy of the transnational corporate powers embedded in the nation-states of the North, and for the hegemonic rule of the only remaining superpower claiming to act in the name of freedom and democracy.


There Is No Alternative to the National Democratic Revolution



The case of the national-democratic struggle in the Philippines may be taken as an example of one historic singularity. Because of the historical specificity of the Philippines’ emergence as a dependent nation-state controlled by the United States in the twentieth century, nationalism as a mass movement has always been defined by events of anti-imperialist rebellion. U.S. conquest entailed long and sustained violent suppression of the Filipino revolutionary forces for decades. The central founding “event” (as the philosopher Alain Badiou would define the term) is the 1896 revolution against Spain and its sequel, the Filipino-American war of 1899-1902, and the Moro resistance up to 1914 against U.S. colonization. Another political sequence of events is the Sakdal uprising in the thirties during the Commonwealth period followed by the Huk uprising in the forties and fifties—a sequence that is renewed in the First Quarter Storm of 1970 against the neocolonial state. While the feudal oligarchy and the comprador class under U.S. patronage utilized elements of the nationalist tradition formed in 1896-1898 as their ideological weapon for establishing moral-intellectual leadership, their attempts have never been successful. Propped by the Pentagon-supported military, the Arroyo administration today, for example, uses the U.S. slogan of democracy against terrorism and the fantasies of the neoliberal free market to legitimize its continued exploitation of workers, peasants, women and ethnic minorities. Following a long and tested tradition of grassroots mobilization, Filipino nationalism has always remained centered on the peasantry’s demand for land closely tied to the popular-democratic demand for equality and genuine sovereignty.



For over a century now, U.S.-backed developmentalism and modernization have utterly failed in the Philippines. The resistance against globalized capital and its neoliberal extortions is spearheaded today by a national-democratic mass movement of various ideological persuasions. There is also a durable Marxist-led insurgency that seeks to articulate the “unfinished revolution” of 1896 in its demand for national independence against U.S. control and social justice for the majority of citizens (80 million) ten percent of whom are now migrant workers abroad. Meanwhile, the Muslim community in the southern part of the Philippines initiated its armed struggle for self-determination during the Marcos dictatorship (1972-1986) and continues today as a broadly based movement for autonomy, despite the Islamic ideology of its teacher-militants.

Recalling the genocidal U.S. campaigns cited above, BangsaMoro nationalism cannot forget its Muslim singularity which is universalized in the principles of equality, justice, and the right to self-determination. In the wake of past defeats of peasant revolts, the Filipino culture of nationalism constantly renews its anti-imperialist vocation by mobilizing new forces (women and church people in the sixties, and the indigenous or ethnic minorities in the seventies and eighties). It is organically embedded in emancipatory social and political movements whose origin evokes in part the Enlightenment narrative of sovereignty as mediated by third-world nationalist movements (Gandhi, Ho Chi Minh, Mao) but whose sites of actualization are the local events of mass insurgency against continued U.S. hegemony. The Philippines as an “imagined” and actually experienced ensemble of communities, or multiplicities in motion, remains in the process of being constructed primarily through modes of political and social resistance against corporate transnationalism (or globalization, in the trendy parlance) and its technologically mediated ideologies, fashioning thereby the appropriate cultural forms of dissent, resistance, and subversion worthy of its people’s history and its collective vision.







E. SAN JUAN, Jr. was recently Fulbright Professor of American Studies at the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Belgium, and visiting professor of literature and cultural studies at National Tsing Hua University in Taiwan, Republic of China.

His recent books are RACISM AND CULTURAL STUDIES (Duke U Press), WORKING THROUGH THE CONTRADICTIONS (Bucknell U Press), HIMAGSIK (De La Salle U Press), TINIK SA KALULUWA (Anvil) SAPAGKAT INIIBIG KITA (University of the Philippines Press); BALIKBAYANG SINTA; AN E. SAN JUAN READER (Ateneo U Press), FROM GLOBALIZATION TO NATIONAL LIBERATION (University of the Philippines Press; IN THE WAKE OF TERROR (Lexington Books), and US IMPERIALISM AND REVOLUTION IN THE PHILIPPINES (Palgrave McMillan). He works with Philippine Forum, New York, and the Philippines Cultural Studies Center, Connecticut, USA.

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